16. FN15. LOUIS L. KNOWLES & KENNETH PREWITT,
INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN AMERICA 1 (1969) (quoting ST. CLAIR DRAKE).
17. FN16. See infra text accompanying notes 20-30.
18. FN17. NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL, A COMMON DESTINY:
BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY 393 (Gerald D. Jaynes & Robin M. Williams,
eds. 1989).
19. FN18. Id.
20. FN19. Id.
21. FN20. See, U.S. DEPT. OF HEALTH & HUMAN
SERVICES, HEALTH STATUS OF MINORITIES AND LOW INCOME GROUPS: THIRD EDITION
5-8 (1991) (exploring different facets of health care that affect the overall
health of minorities and low income groups).
22. FN21. One reason the definition presents a problem
is that the professionals tend to use such subjective measures to define
health.
23. FN22. Woodrow Jones, Jr. & Mitchell F. Rice,
Black Health Care: An Overview, in HEALTH CARE ISSUES IN BLACK AMERICA:
POLICIES, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS 3, 4 (Woodrow Jones, Jr. & Mitchell
F. Rice eds., 1987) (quoting John Romano, Basic Orientation and Education
of the Medical Student, 143 JAMA 411 (1950)).
24. FN23. Id.
25. FN24. Id.
26. FN25. Ronald M. Andersen et al. Black-White
Differences in Health Status: Methods or Substance?, in. HEALTH POLICIES
AND BLACK AMERICANS 72, 75 (D. Willis, ed. 1989).
27. FN26. Id. at 75-76. See generally, RONALD M.
ANDERSON ET AL. TOTAL SURVEY ERROR: APPLICATIONS TO IMPROVE HEALTH SURVEYS
(1979).
28. FN27. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 76.
29. FN28. Differences among African-Americans.
30. FN29. Id.; See also, J.J. Jackson, Urban Black
Americans, in ETHNICITY AND MEDICAL CARE 37-129 (A. Harewood eds., 1981)
(noting that studies need to account for potentially large differences
between northern and southern blacks, urban and rural blacks, native and
foreign-born blacks).
31. FN30. D.L. Patrick and J. Elinson, Methods of
Sociomedical Research, in HANDBOOK OF MED. SOC. 437-59 (H. Freeman et al.
eds., 1979). Articles discussing health status of African-Americans often
only utilize death rates. I attempt to utilize a broad range of health
status measurements to give the reader a more thorough view of African-American
health status and a broader basis for assessments. Although more complete,
such an approach raises some conflicts. Some of the more subjective measurements
don't always support a position that African Americans have "poorer" health
status than European- Americans. While it is the position of this paper
that African-Americans suffer from a "poorer" health status, the contradictory
results of subjective measurements does not disprove the thesis of this
paper. In fact these apparent discrepancies are important in that they
show subjective reporting differences and the problem institutions will
face if they rely only on subjective data for health status analysis.
32. FN31. Dissatisfaction information is collected
by means population surveys, individual and household surveys, and surveys
of hospitalized patients. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 81.
33. FN32. Id.
34. FN33. Id. at 82-83.
35. FN34. The excess percent is calculated by dividing
the European-American rate into the African-American rate multiplying by
100 and subtracting 100. For example, to obtain the 1987 excess death rate
for both sexes you divide the European-American death rate (511.1 per 100,000)
into the African-American Death Rate (778.6 per 100,000) to obtain 1.5234.
You multiple 1.5234 by 100 to obtain 152.34%; and you subtract 100 to obtain
the excess death rate of 52.34%.
The disparity in perception of health status is present in all age groups.
To illustrate this point consider that the percent of African-Americans
between the age of five and seventeen who assessed their health status
as fair or poor was 4.2%, while the percent of European-Americans in that
same age range and making the same assessment was only 2.1%. IRENE JILLSON-BOOSTROM,
SHATTERED HOPES, ENDANGERED LIVES: THE HEALTH AND WELL-BEING OF ADOLESCENT
MINORITY MALES IN THE UNITED STATES, A REPORT PREPARED FOR THE OFFICE OF
MINORITY HEALTH (Sept. 30, 1990).
36. FN35. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 83
(quoting National Opinion Research Center, 1985). Twelve percent of African
Americans compared to 8% of European- Americans report "some, little, or
no satisfaction" with their health and physical condition. Id.
37. FN36. Id. at 80.
38. FN37. Id.
39. FN38. Id. at 81.
40. FN39. Id. at 83 (quoting Center for Health Administration
Studies, University of Chicago, unpublished data study described in ANDERSEN
ET AL., AMBULATORY CARE AND INSURANCE COVERAGE IN AN ERA OF CONSTRAINT,
Ch. 6 and app. A (1987)). During 1985, African-Americans in the age group
under 18 reported 0.4 symptoms per person per year while European-Americans
reported 0.6 symptoms resulting in a -33.3% excess discomfort. Id. In the
age group 18-44, African-Americans reported 1.1 symptoms per person per
year while European-Americans reported 1.3 symptoms resulting in a -15.4%
excess discomfort for African-Americans. Id. African-Americans 45-64 years
old reported 1.9 symptoms per person per year while European-Americans
reported 1.7 symptoms resulting in a 11.8% excess discomfort for African-Americans.
Id. Finally, African-Americans over 65 reported 2.1 symptoms per person
per year while European-Americans reported 2.0 symptoms resulting in a
5% excess discomfort for African-Americans. Id.
41. FN40. Death rates include homicide rates since
death by means of violence is considered a public health issue. See infra
note 71.
42. FN41. There are a number of reasons why African-Americans
might under-report symptoms. First, in a culture that has limited access
to health care, it might be viewed as futile to complain about "aches and
pains" Second, African- Americans may actually expect some "aches and pains"
as normal and not a sign of illness. Third, African-Americans may be reluctant
to complain to a stranger about their health. While all these reasons can
be articulated by other populations subgroups, it may be that given the
impact of racism, African- American are more reluctant than other to complain
about their health and/or to seek help.
43. FN42. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 95;
Joanna Kravitis & John Schneider, Health Care Need and Actual Use by
Age, Race and Income, in EQUITY IN HEALTH SERVICES, 186 (R. Andersen et
al., 975).
44. FN43. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 80.
45. FN44. Id.
46. FN45. Id.; See generally, Patrick & Elinson,
supra note 30, at 437-59 (H. Freeman et al. eds., 1979).
47. FN46. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 80
citing D.L. Patrick & J. Elinson, Methods of Sociomedical Research,
in HANDBOOK OF MEDICAL SOCIOLOGY 437-59 (H. Freeman et al. eds., 1979).
48. FN47. Id. at 83, quoting National Health Statistics
1985, Table 69.
49. FN48. African-Americans have higher death rates
for every age group except 85 years and older. The African-American to
European-American Death ratio for 1 to 4 years old is 1.80, for 5-9 years
it is 1.62, for 10-14 years it is 1.25 and for 15-19 years it is 1.04.
See U.S. DEPT. OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES, supra note 20, table 16
at 30.
50. FN49. It is interesting to note that when looking
at the number of school-loss days associated with acute conditions per
100 youths aged 5-17, African- Americans had 427.2 days whereas European-Americans
had 322 days. National Center for Health Statistics, CURRENT ESTIMATES
FROM THE NATIONAL HEALTH INTERVIEW SURVEY, 1988D.
51. FN50. For example, the 5-17 year old age group
could in fact have more illness but fewer restricted days because of cultural
differences. African-American culture tends to encourage individuals to
continue activity despite illness. This is especially true for children
since families may not afford to take the child to the doctor or to take
off work to stay at home with a sick child. Thus, it could be that African-American
children are actually encouraged to continue activities despite illness.
52. FN51. Andersen, et al, supra note 25, at 83
quoting National Center for Health Statistic, 1985, Table 69. African-Americans
under 5 had the same number of days of restricted activity (9 days) as
European-Americans. Id. African- Americans between the age of 5 and 17
reported fewer (7 days) of restricted activity than European-Americans
(9 days) resulting in an excess disability for African-Americans of -22.2%.
Id. Finally, African-Americans over 18 reported more (22 days) of restricted
activity than European-Americans (16 days) resulting in an excess disability
for African-Americans of 37.5%. Id.
53. FN52. Acute conditions are those diseases or
injuries that last less than two weeks. Commonly, those diseases reported
as acute conditions are respiratory problems such as colds and minor injuries.
Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 85.
54. FN53. Chronic conditions are those conditions
that have lasted two weeks or longer. Chronic conditions include diseases
or impairments that are likely to be irreversible. These diseases range
from the major killers such as heart disease to others less likely to kill
but which can result in considerable debilitation such as arthritis. Andersen
et al., supra note 25, at 84.
55. FN54. Like other records, hospital medical record
also have their deficiencies. For example, because not all illnesses are
covered in medical records, the records may present a biased picture of
the illnesses of a population due to non-coverage of all illnesses. Id.
at 79. See generally, Kravitis & Schneider, supra note 42, at 169-87.
56. FN55. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 83
quoting National Center for Health Statistics, 1985, table 3. CURRENT ESTIMATES
FROM THE NATIONAL HEALTH INTERVIEW SURVEY, 1985, series 10, no. 160. African-Americans
under 18 had fewer acute conditions (183 per 100 persons per year) than
European-Americans (283 per 100 persons per year) resulting in an excess
disease-acute conditions of -36.3%. Id. African-Americans 18-44 had fewer
acute conditions (130 per 100 persons per year) than European-Americans
(174 per 100 persons per year) resulting in an excess disease-acute conditions
of -15.9%. Id. African-Americans 18-44 had fewer acute conditions (98 per
100 persons per year) than European-Americans (109 per 100 persons per
year) resulting in an excess disease-acute conditions of -10.1%. Id.
57. FN56. Id.
58. FN57. See, U.S. DEPT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES,
supra note 20, at 154-57. For instance, African-American males have 58%
more deaths from pneumonia than European-American Males. African-American
females have 26% more deaths from pneumonia than European-American females.
Id. at 155-56 (Table 23-24).
59. FN58. Chronic diseases can be divided into those
which limit activities and those that do not. As a measurement of severity,
those chronic diseases that limit activity are more severe.
60. FN59. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 83
(quoting National Center for Health Statistics, 1985, Table 67). In the
age group under 18, 20% more African- Americans (6%) reported limitation
in activity than European-Americans (5%). Id. In the age group 18-44, 12.5%
more African-Americans (9%) reported limitation in activity than European-Americans
(8%). Id. In the age group 45- 64, 34.8% more African-Americans (31%) reported
limitation in activity than European-Americans (23%). Id. In the age group
65-69, 31.6% more African- Americans (50%) reported limitation in activity
than European-Americans (38%). Id. Finally, in the age group 70 and over,
23.1% more African-Americans (48%) reported limitation in activity than
European-Americans (39%). Id.
61. FN60. U.S. DEPT OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES,
supra note 20, at 90.
62. FN61. Id. at 107-08. In fact, when compared
to other countries, the percent of African-American low birth weight babies
(12.5%) fall behind Hungary (11.79%) and Israel (7.16%). While European-Americans'
percent of low birth weight babies (5.7%) is comparable to Japan (5.18%),
New Zealand (5.27%) and Austria (5.68%). Id.
63. FN62. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
HEALTH STATUS OF MINORITIES AND LOW-INCOME GROUPS: THIRD EDITION 108.
64. FN63. While health, illness and morbidity is
poorly defined and the transition can be gradual, death is a clearly defined
event. Consequently, it is the single most reliable indicator of the health
status of a population. However, because mortality rates increase so sharply
with increasing age, comparisons among populations over time must be adjusted
for differing age distribution. Thus mortality rates are adjusted in accordance
with the weights in the age distribution of a standard population. U.S.
DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES HEALTH STATUS OF MINORITIES AND
LOW-INCOME GROUPS: THIRD EDITION.
However, even this information presents measurement problems. The number
and causes of deaths for African-Americans and European-Americans is usually
obtained from death certificates and autopsy reports. However, the amount
and quality of data on deaths varies and depends on a number of factors
including: the extent to which the deceased were medically studied before
death, the degree of familiarity that certifying physicians had with them,
changes in diagnostic and demographic terminology, frequency of misclassifications
and the accuracy and completeness of the information. Andersen et al.,
supra note 25, at 78-79. Furthermore, comparisons of deaths for African-Americans
to European- Americans may reflect "survivor effects as well as selection
by competing causes which can lead to interpretive errors". Id. at 79.
See also, Richard Cooper & Brian E. Simmons, Cigarette Smoking and
Ill Health among Black Americans, 83(7) N.Y. ST. J. MED. 344, 349 (1985).
65. FN64. Joe Feagin, Slavery Unwilling to Die:
the Background of Black Oppression in the 1980s, 17 J. Black Studies 173,
200 (1986) (arguing that the theory of internal colonialism views blacks
as slaves of society. The history of blacks in the US is traced, beginning
with the introduction of slavery during the 1600s. The features of slavery--legal
until the passage of the 13th Amendment in 1865 -- persisted as a form
of semi-slavery 1960 and as a different form of institutionalized racism
later). See also, Lonnie R. Bristow, Mine Eyes Have Seen, 261 JAMA 284,
284-85 (1989). Since the civil rights and voting rights laws of the early
1960s the United States has seen significant changes in the status of African-Americans.
However, it is arguable whether "apartheid- U.S.. . . or whether economic
segregation and the perpetuation of our essentially feudal status amount
to its continuation, in fact, if not in law." Romona Hoage Edelin, Toward
An African-American Agenda: An Inward Look, in THE STATE OF BLACK AMERICA
173, 177-79 (Janet Dewart ed., 1990). Death rate statistics seem to suggest
that the feudal status of African-Americans has continued in fact.
66. FN65. Bristow, supra note 64, at 284.
67. FN66. European-American males had aged adjusted
death rates of 668.2. Africian- American males had aged adjusted death
rates of 1023.2. The excess death rate for African-American males was 53.13%.
European-American females had aged adjusted death rates of 384.1. Africian-American
females had aged adjusted death rates of 586.2. The excess death rate for
African American females was 52.62%. European-American (both sexes) had
aged adjusted death rates of 511.1. Africian-American females had aged
adjusted death rates of 778.6. The excess death rate for African American
females was 52.34%. Department of Health and Human Services, supra note
20, at Table 13, p. 26-27, and Table 3, p. 143.
68. FN67. H.R. REP. NO. 804, 101st Cong., 2nd Sess.
19 (1990) reprinted in U.S.C.C.A.N. 3296, 3297.
69. FN68. Health status includes not only physical
health but mental health as well. Thus, in a racist, oppressive society,
homicides is as much an indication of mental health and public health as
suicide. See generally, Beth Alexander, Violence: a public health problem.
(Editorial), 8 PEDIATRICS FOR PARENTS, 1 (1992); Laurie Jones, Gun violence
as Public Health Issue 35 AM. MED. NEWS 3 (1992); C. EVERETT KOOP &
GEORGE LUNDBERG, Violence in America: a Public Health Emergency, 267 JAMA
3075 (1992); Antonia C. Novello et al., A Medical Response to Violence,
267 JAMA 3007 (1992). Violence takes a high toll in mortality, morbidity,
quality of life, and use of health care resources. Belloni et al., Application
of Principles of Community Intervention, 106 PUBLIC HEALTH REP. 244, 244-47
(1991). It has been a community problem from early American history. "Before
there was professional law enforcement, everyone in a community was involved
in crime prevention." Id. at 245-46. Thus, recognizing homicide as a health
issue is a return to deep rooted ideas of community. Id. at 245. See generally,
D.E. Beauchamp, Community: The Neglected Tradition of Public Health, HASTINGS
CTR. REP. 28, 28-36 (1985).
70. FN69. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 84
(quoting National Center for Health Statistics 1986a, Table 21).
71. FN70. This is the rate of death per 100,000
live births from deliveries and complications of pregnancy, childbirth
and the immediate period after childbirth (the puerperium). Department
of Health and Human Services, supra note 20, at 100 Table 1.
72. FN71. The homicide rate for African-American
males living within Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas (SMSAs) is
more than twice that for young African-American males residing outside
SMSAs. Belloni et al., Community Intervention, supra note 68, at 245-46.
Homicide Among Young Black Males -- United States, 1970-1982 34 MORBIDITY
& MORTALITY WKLY. REV. 629-33 (Oct. 18, 1985).
73. FN72. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 84
quoting National Center for Health Statistics 1986a, Table 21.
74. FN73. See also, U.S. DEPT. OF HEALTH & HUMAN
SERVICES, supra note 20, at 113 (Table 14); Antonio A. Rene, Racial Differences
in Mortality: Blacks and Whites, in Jones, supra note 22, at 21. African-Americans
had more infant deaths (17.9 per 1,000 live birth) than European-Americans
(8.6 per 1,000 live birth). Id. Thus, the excess infant mortality for African-Americans
was 108.2%.
75. FN74. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
supra note 25, at 104, Table 5.
76. FN75. NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL, supra note
17, at 398. On an international level African American ranked 32nd after
Portugal (17.8) and Cuba (16.5). European-Americans ranked 12th after Spain
(8.5) and France (8.3). Japan Ranked 1st with only 5.5 infant deaths per
1,000 live births. U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES, HEALTH
STATUS OF MINORITIES AND LOW-INCOME GROUPS: THIRD EDITION, 104, Table 5:
Infant Mortality Rates: 36 Selected Countries, 1980 -1985.
77. FN76. See generally, H.R. REP. NO. 804, 101st
Cong., 2nd Sess. 1990, 1990 U.S.C.C.A.N. 3296 (finding that African-Americans
are disproportionately represented among individuals from disadvantaged
backgrounds and that the health status of individuals from disadvantaged
backgrounds, including racial and ethnic minorities, in the United States
is significantly lower than the health status of the general population
of the United States).
78. FN77. Andersen et al., supra note 25, at 82.
79. FN78. See KNOWLES & PREWITT, supra note
15, at 1 (inferring from others quotes that African-Americans have been
denied opportunities that they have helped develop).
80. FN79. CARMICHAEL & HAMILTON, supra note
1, at 4.
81. FN80. See supra text and accompanying notes
15-78.
82. FN81. Trevor Hancock, Beyond Health Care: From
Public Health Policy to Healthy Public Policy, 76 CAN. J. PUB. HEALTH 9,
11 (Supp. 1985).
83. FN82. When individuals are separated into different
racial population groups, there is general recognition of a health disparity
between them. The explanation usually given for this disparity is that
differences exist in socioeconomic status or class.
84. FN83. Certainly, poverty is a major factor in
health. The poor are unable to afford the food, housing, clothing and education
which would allow them to be equal participants in America society. Notwithstanding
the role of poverty in health, in America, race has a separate and independent
role which has never fully been addressed.
85. FN84. See generally, Lawrence D. Brown, The
Medically Uninsured: Problems, Policies and Politics, 15 J. HEALTH POL.,
POL'Y & L. 315, 318 (1990); Karen Davis, Closing the Gap in Health
Insurance Coverage for African-Americans (Unpublished paper on file at
Case Western Reserve, Health Matrix); Jack Hadely et al., Comparison of
Uninsured and Privately Insured Hospital Patients, 265 JAMA 374, 376 (1991)
(suggesting that the amount of care an individual receives is related to
whether the individual has health insurance).
86. FN85. See infra note 206 and accompanying text.
87. FN86. See infra notes 204-27 and accompanying
text.
88. FN87. R.M. Cooper et al., Improved Mortality
Among U.S. Blacks, 1968-1978, The Role of Anti-Racist Struggle, 11 INT'L
J. HEALTH SERVICES 511, 511-22 (1981); NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL, supra
note 17, at 428-29; S. Woodlander et al., Medical Care and Mortality: Racial
differences in preventable deaths, 15 INT'L J. HEALTH SERVICES 1, 1-22
(1985); cf. J.L. Haywood, Coronary Heart Disease Mortality/Morbidity and
Risk in Blacks. II Access to medical Care 3 AM. HEART J. 794, 794-96 (1984)
(explaining that African-Americans with hypertension at all social levels
report less frequent use of medical care, more difficulties in getting
into the health care system and greater dissatisfaction with medical care).
89. FN88. GUNNAR MYRDAL, AN AMERICAN DILEMMA 174
(1944).
90. FN89. Slavery in North America was one of the
"harshest form of social relations ever to exist." ALPHONSO PINKNEY, BLACK
AMERICANS 2 (1969). The slave had no rights and received no protection
from society. The slave owner had absolute power over the slave. Id.
91. FN90. PINKNEY, supra note 89, at 6. Jones &
Rice, supra note 22, at 6; see also, Mitchell Rice, On Assessing Black
Health, 9 URB. LEAGUE REV. 6, 6-12 (Winter 1985-1986). The dual status
of slaves as valuable property and as persons with human rights may have
encouraged some slave owners to provided, at least minimal health care.
See generally, J. Thomas Wren, A. "Two-Fold Character: The Slave as Person
and Property in Virginia Court Cases, 1800-1860, 24 S. STUD. 417-31 (1985)
(maintaining that although slaves were perceived as property in the antebellum
South, Virginia courts often recognized their humanity as well. By 1860,
the Southern legal system had begun to accept an implicit duality in the
states of the slaves as both property and person); Arthur Howington, "A
Property of Special and Peculiar Value: The Tennessee Supreme Court and
the Law of Manumission, 44 TENNESSEE HIST. Q. 302-17 (1985); Winstanley
Briggs, Slavery in French Colonial Illinois, 18 CHI. HIST. 66-81 (1989-90)
(arguing that the high cost of slaves and the risk of offending tribal
neighbors," led the settlers to treat their slaves as subordinate, but
valuable property).
92. FN91. PINKNEY, supra note 89, at 24 (citing
JOHN H. FRANKLIN, RECONSTRUCTION AFTER THE CIVIL WAR 36-37) (1961)).
93. FN92. Throughout the period of Reconstruction,
attempts were made to obstruct the progress toward "racial democracy."
PINKNEY, supra note 89, at 26. The 1876 election was in dispute between
Rutherford B. Hayes (Republican) and Samuel Tilden (Democrat). Hayes was
declared winner with the understanding the remaining troops in the South
would be withdrawn, the south would be accorded home rule, and with the
assurance that the "dominant whites [would have] political autonomy and
nonintervention in matters of race policy." PINKNEY, supra note 89, at
26 (citing WOODWARD, REUNION AND REACTION 246 (1966)). Thus, the Republican
Party "abandon[ed] the Negro to former slave holders [and] the compromise
signaled a return toward slavery." PINKNEY, supra note 89, at 26
94. FN93. Jones & Rice, supra note 22, at 6.
95. FN94. For instance, in 1875 Congress passed
the Civil Rights Act which made it a crime for a person to deny any citizen
equal access to accommodations in inns, public conveyances, theaters, and
other places of amusement. Civil Rights Act of 1875, 18 St. 335. In 1883,
the Supreme Court declared the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional.
The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 (1883). In 1896 the Court ruled that
separate (segregated) facilities for African- Americans and European-Americans
did not violate the Thirteenth or Fourteenth Amendment. Setting the pattern
for race relations for more than three decades, the ruling declared that
"If one race be inferior to the other socially, the Constitution of the
United States cannot put them on the same plane." Plessy v. Ferguson, 163
U.S. 538 (1896).
96. FN95. In 1954, the court questioned the "separate
but equal" doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson. In particular, in a unanimous
decision, the court found that legally sanctioned racial segregation is
usually interpreted as connoting the inferiority of blacks, which adversely
affects the educational development of black children. "Any language in
Plessy v. Ferguson contrary to this finding is rejected." Brown v. Board
of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 494-95 (1954).
Brown v. Board of Education was a significant milestone in civil rights.
However, it was the civil rights-movement of the 1960s which culminated
in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which
resulted in many of the overt signs of discrimination being eliminated.
In particular, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Public Law 88-352) prohibited
the denial of the right to vote in national elections because of race and
made a sixth grade education a presumption of literacy (Title I). Title
II prohibited discrimination in places of public accommodation. Title III
authorized the Justice department to file suits to desegregate public facilities.
Title IV authorized the Justice Department to file suit to desegregate
public schools or colleges. Title V established the Commission on Civil
Rights. Title VI prohibited discrimination in federally-financed programs.
Title VII prohibited discrimination in employment. Title VIII authorized
the gathering of registration and voting statistics based on race. Title
IX allowed for federal appeals court intervention in civil rights cases
to be remanded to state courts. Title X established the Community Relations
Service in the Department of Commerce.
97. FN96. See infra notes 97-182 and accompanying
text.
98. FN97. Jones & Rice, supra note 22, at 6.
99. FN98. Alan Sager, The Closure of Hospitals that
Serve the Poor: Implications for Health Planning, A Statement to the Subcommittee
on Health and the Environment, Committee on Energy and Commerce, U.S. House
of Representatives, 2 (April 30, 1982); Mark Schlesinger, Paying the Price:
Medical Care, Minorities, and the Newly Competitive Health Care System,
in HEALTH POLICIES AND BLACK AMERICANS 275-76 (David Willis ed., 1989).
100. FN99. Equal Access to Health Care: Patient
Dumping, Hearing before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Government Operations
100 Cong, 1st Sess. 270- 87 (July 22, 1987); Robert L. Schiff et al., Transfers
to a Public Hospital: A Prospective Study of 467 Patients, 314 NEW ENGL.
J. MED. 552-57 (1986).
101. FN100. Stan Dorn et al., Anti-Discrimination
Provisions and Health Care Access: New Slants on Old Approaches, CLEARINGHOUSE
REV. 439, 441 (Special Issue, Summer 1986).
102. FN101. Id.
103. FN102. Id.
104. FN103. Id.
105. FN104. Id.
106. FN105. Id.
107. FN106. Sager, supra note 98, at 2. A total
of 210 hospitals either closed or relocated during the period studied.
A disproportionate number of the hospitals that closed or relocated were
originally located in communities where the population was predominately
African-American.
108. FN107. See generally, NAACP v. Wilmington
Medical Ctr., Inc., 657 F.2d 1322 (1981) (proposal to reduce urban facility
which served predominantly minorities and to construct a new suburban facility);
Byran v. Koch, 627 F.2d 612 (1980) (closure of a New York City hospital
whose patients were 98% minorities).
109. FN108. Sager, supra note 98, at 2-3; See also,
Roger Wilkins, Loss of Hospitals in Central City Said to Cause Array of
Problems, N.Y. TIMES, Sept. 17, 1979, at D4.
110. FN109. In 1946 Congress passed the Hospital
Survey and Construction Act, presently codified as Title VI of the Public
Health Service Act, 42 U.S.C. s 291. One goal of the Hill-Burton Act was
to assure that hospitals would provide medical services to the residents
in their communities, including those who were indigent. GEORGE ANNAS ET
AL., AMERICAN HEALTH CARE LAW 80-81 (1990).
Specifically, hospitals which receive funds under the Hill-Burton Act
are obligated to perform a community service requirement. Id. at 75. In
order to comply with the community service requirement, subpart G of the
regulations requires that recipient health facilities be made available
to all residents and prohibits exclusion of anyone in the area served by
the hospital on the basis of any factor unrelated to need. Id. at 77.
The Hill-Burton community services requirement was completely ignored
for 30 years. Privately initiated lawsuits during the 1970's gave rise
to the 1972 regulation changes. Id. These regulations outlined a program
for monitoring compliance by Hill-Burton facilities relying on state agencies
for implementation. Id. Unfortunately, the 1972 regulations did not amend
or specify the meaning of community service. Kenneth R. Wing, The Community
Service Obligation of Hill-Burton Health Facilities, 23 B.C.L. REV. 577,
613-14 (1982). It was not until 1974 that HEW, under court order, finally
issued regulations interpreting the community service requirement. Id.
at 614- 15.
Community service now included the requirement that recipient facilities
must participate in Medicare and Medicaid and take "such steps as necessary"
to insure that Medicare and Medicaid patients were admitted without discrimination.
Id. at 615. These regulations stopped short of imposing explicit standards
for assessing compliance with the substantive requirement. In addition,
evaluation and enforcement of the community service obligation was primarily
on state Hill-Burton agencies, and a twenty year limitation was placed
on the community service obligation. Id. at 615-16. This limitation has
subsequently been invalidated.
In 1978, HEW proposed new charity care regulations. Id. at 616. These
new regulations were intended to give more specific meaning to the community
service obligation and to federalize the enforcement and monitoring of
responsibilities. Id. at 616-17. The result was the 1979 regulations. The
1979 regulations explicitly preclude exclusion of anyone who is in need
of services offered by the facility and who is able to make some manner
of payment. Id. at 620. These regulations explicitly clarify the obligation
of Hill-Burton recipients with regard to people who rely on Medicare or
Medicaid. Id. at 621. The 1979 regulations also prohibited the pre-admission
deposits and the required referrals to staff physicians, both of which
effectively excluded otherwise eligible patients. Id. at 622.
111. FN110. Under Hill-Burton, a hospital is released
from the uncompensated care requirement under the statute buy-out provision.
42 U.S.C. s 291a(1).
112. FN111. Cf., N.A.A.C.P v. Medical Ctr., 657
F.2d 1322 (medical center proposing to close high-risk obstetrical care,
inpatient pediatric care and gerontology services).
113. FN112. The Crisis of the Disappearing Black
Hospitals, EBONY, March 1992, at 23-28.
114. FN113. Id.
115. FN114. See generally, Judith Waxman &
Molly McNulty, Access to Emergency Medical Care: Patients' Rights and Remedies,
22 CLEARINGHOUSE REV. 21-27 (Nov. 1991); Gearlding Dallek and Judith Waxman,
Patient Dumping: A Crisis in Emergency Medical Care for the Indigent, 19
CLEARINGHOUSE REV. 1413 (1986).
116. FN115. Equal Access to Health Care: Patient
Dumping, supra note 99, at 270- 87.
117. FN116. A study of transfers among 467 medical
transfers to Cook County Hospital showed that 89% were African-Americans
or Hispanic-Americans. The study concluded that most of the patients were
transferred for economic reasons and without their consent. Schiff, supra
note 99, at 552-57.
118. FN117. 42 U.S.C.A. ss 1395 dd(a) (West Supp.
1992).
119. FN118. Under COBRA, hospitals are required
to provide appropriate medical screening examinations within the capabilities
of the hospital. If a person has an emergency or is in active labor, the
hospital must stabilize the medical condition or provide treatment for
labor or transfer under certain conditions. In particular, there can be
no transfer until stabilized except at the request of patient or if it
is medically necessary and another facility is more appropriate. A transfer
is appropriate if: the receiving facility has available space and qualified
personnel and has agreed to accept the transfer. The transferring facility
must provide appropriate medical records. The transfer must be made using
qualified personnel and equipment. Enforcement is through termination of
Medicare provider agreement, civil monetary penalties, and civil action
for personal injury or financial loss. 42 U.S.C.A. ss 1395 dd(a)- (d) (West
Supp. 1992).
120. FN119. See generally, ARIZ. REV. STAT. ANN.
s 11-297.01 1-3d (1956) (providing for transfers in three situations: where
no hospital exists, where the existing hospital is overcrowded, or where
the necessary services are not provided at the transferring hospital.);
CAL. HEALTH & SAFETY CODE s 1317.2 (West 1990) (providing for various
conditions to be met prior to the transfer of a patient such as exams,
evaluations, emergency treatment. The transfer may not create a medical
hazard, the hospital receiving the patient must have an appropriate bed,
personnel and equipment necessary for treatment; relevant transfer information
must be given to the receiving hospital.); FLA. STAT. ANN. s 401.45 1 (West
1943) (providing that no person shall be denied emergency medical treatment);
IDAHO CODE s 39-1391 (1947) (providing for emergency treatment to persons
appearing seriously sick or injured without admission of that person. This
can have the effect of requiring stabilization prior to transfer. However,
since the patient is never actually admitted, the hospital can realistically
transfer the patient at any time); ILL. ANN. STAT. ch. 111 1/612, para
6151 (Smith-Hurd 1934) (providing that no health care provider can refuse
needed emergency treatment to a person whose life would be threatened in
the absence of such treatment due to an inability to pay.); MASS. GEN.
LAWS ANN. ch 111 s 70E (West 1958) (providing for prompt life saving treatment
in an emergency without discrimination or delay. There is an exception
stating that a delay may not impose a material risk.); N.C. GEN. STAT.
s 131E-117 15 (1943) (providing for no transfers or discharges but allows
many exceptions including consideration of the patient's own or other patients'
welfare, and nonpayment for the stay. The effect of the exceptions is that
patients are not protected from nonmedical transfers.); PA. STAT. ANN.
tit. 35, s 449.8 (1930) (providing that transfers may only occur in instances
where the facility lacks the staff or facilities to properly render definitive
treatment.); TENN. CODE ANN. s 68- 11-701 (1955) (requiring stabilization
prior to transfer and such efforts necessary to sustain the patient during
the transfer.); TEX. CODE ANN. s 241.027 b (West 1986 & Supp. 1992)
(providing for medically appropriate transfers from physician to physician
and from hospital to hospital by providing the following: notification
to the receiving hospital prior to the transfer, stabilizing prior to and
during the transfer, provisions for the appropriate personnel and equipment
for the transfer, necessary records. Transfers may not be based on discrimination
or economic status.) But see, COLO. REV. STAT. ANN. s 26-15-106 8b (West
1989) (providing for transfers of indigent patients without any restrictions
except for a prior agreement to the transfer by the receiving contract
provider.) DEL. CODE ANN. tit 16 s 1121 18 (allowing transfers for the
patient's own welfare or the welfare of other patients, and for nonpayment);
WASH. REV. CODE ANN. s 70.168.100 e (West 1961 & Supp 1992) (requiring
only that prior to transfer, agreements with providers outside the region
are established to facilitate the transfer; See also, Dorn & Waxman,
States Take the Lead in Preventing Patient Dumping 22 CLEARING-HOUSE REV.
136 (1988).
121. FN120. Waxman & McNulty, Access to Emergency
Medical Care, supra note 114, at 21-27.
122. FN121. Id.
123. FN122. Id.
124. FN123. See infra notes 207-09 and accompanying
text.
125. FN124. Johnson v. University of Chicago Hosps.,
982 F.2d 230 (1992).
126. FN125. Id. at 231.
127. FN126. Id.
128. FN127. Id.
129. FN128. Id.
130. FN129. Id.
131. FN130. Id.
132. FN131. Id. at 232.
133. FN132. Id.
134. FN133. "Nursing homes" is a generic term used
to describe two types of facilities: Intermediate care facilities (ICF)
and skilled nursing care facilities (SNF). Intermediate Care facilities
provide institutional, health- related services above the level of room
and board, but at a level of care below that of hospital or SNF care. See
42 U.S.C. ss 1396c(d) (1988); see also 42 C.F.R. s 440.150 (1991). Skilled
Nursing Facilities provide institutional care above the level of ICF services
but below the level of a hospital. See, 42 U.S.C. s 1396d(i) (1988); 42
C.F.R. s 440.40 (1991).
135. FN134. Cassandra Butts, The Color of Money:
Barriers of Access to Private Health care Facilities for African-Americans,
(Unpublished manuscript on file at Case Western Reserve, Health Matrix
Office) (citing David A. Smith, Discrimination in Access to Nursing Homes
in Pennsylvania (1991)).
136. FN135. But see, Linton v. Carney, 779 F.Supp
925, 933 (M.D. Tenn 1990) (rejecting defendants' assertion that "self-selection
preferences" of the minorities, based upon the minorities' reliance upon
the extended family, lack of transportation, and fear of institutional
care, adequately explain the disparate impact).
137. FN136. Butts, supra note 134, at 5-7. For
instances, although African-Americans rely on family and friends for long
term care, the rate of use of nursing homes is rising faster for African-Americans
than for European-Americans. SENIOR HEALTH DIGEST, No. 91-17 (Sept. 16,
1991).
138. FN137. An individual's eligibility for Medicaid
is based on certain personal characteristics relating to need, such as
old age, disability or blindness, and on the basis of the person's indigence.
Indigence is measured by certain state and federal financial standards.
To obtain Medicaid coverage for nursing home care, the patient must first
establish financial eligibility and then meet additional medical need requirements
demonstrating eligibility for ICF or SNF services. The medical requirements
are established by the state to guard against unnecessary treatment.
In order to determine a patient's medical eligibility, states generally
require that each Medicaid recipient's need for admission to a nursing
home be evaluated prior to the recipient's admission to the institution
or, if the patient has already been admitted, prior to an authorization
of Medicaid reimbursement for his or her care. See 42 C.F.R. ss 456.271
and 456.372. This process is referred to as the pre-admission evaluation
(PAE) process.
Once a patient has been admitted to a nursing home, his or her continued
need for ICF or SNF care is annually reviewed by state Medicaid officials
pursuant to a process referred to as utilization review. 42 U.S.C. s 1396a(a)
(30).
139. FN138. BUREAU OF THE CENSUS, U.S. DEPT. OF
COMMERCE, SERIES P60, No. 168 CURRENT POPULATION REPORTS, CONSUMER INCOME:
MONEY AND POVERTY STATUS IN THE UNITED STATES 1989 (Nov. 1990).
140. FN139. NAACP Legal Defense & Educ. Fund,
Inc. An African American Health Care Agenda: Strategies for Reforming an
Unjust System, Racial Disparities in Medicaid Coverage for Nursing Home
Care (1991) (Unpublished proceedings, on file at Case Western Reserve University
School of Law, Health Matrix: Journal of Law-Medicine office).
141. FN140. Id.
142. FN141. In part, this limited access is caused
by the rules that the government generates. For instance, federal law authorizes
state agencies who perform review and certification functions to certify
facilities for either SNF or ICF reimbursement. Such certification may
be of a "distinct part of an institution." See 42 U.S.C. s 1395x and 42
U.S.C. s 1396a(a)(28). A "distinct part" SNF or ICF must be an entire separately
identifiable unit consisting of all the beds within that unit (such as
a separate building, floor, wing, or corridor). A distinct part SNF or
ICF unit is paid as an entity separate from the rest of the institution.
Medicare Program; Swing-Bed Program, 54 Fed. Reg. 37, 270 (Sept. 7, 1989).
Consequently, facilities allowed to limited the number of beds that they
have available by certifying only part of their facility.
143. FN142. Racial Disparities in Medicaid Coverage
for Nursing Home Care (1991) (Unpublished Data located at the University
of Dayton School of Law).
144. FN143. Id.
145. FN144. 42 U.S.C. s 1395 (federal Medicare
statute recognizing "distinct part" certification); 42 U.S.C. s 1396a(a)(28)
(applying "distinct part" certification to Medicaid SNF certification).
146. FN145. See, Linton v. Carney, 779 F. Supp.
926, 931. ("Tennessee, at the provider's instructions, certified a limited
component of beds in a facility which provides the same ICF level of care
in all beds.")
147. FN146. Id.
148. FN147. Id.
149. FN148. Id. at 932.
150. FN149. Id.
151. FN150. Id.
152. FN151. Id.
153. FN152. Id.
154. FN153. Id.
155. FN154. Linton v. Tenn. Community Health &
Environmental, 779 F. Supp. 925, aff'd 923 F.2d 855 (6th Cir. 1981).
156. FN155. Id. at 928-30.
157. FN156. Id. at 928.
158. FN157. Id.
159. FN158. The policy of decertification particularly
affected African-Americans. Despite representing 39.4% of the Tennessee's
Medicaid recipients, African- Americans comprised only 15.4% of the Medicaid
recipients in nursing homes. Id. at 932. Furthermore, the court noted that
the health of African-Americans was generally poorer than that of European-American
resulting a in correspondingly greater need for nursing home services.
Despite this "greater need", the system of licensed nursing homes served
European-Americans "[relegating African- Americans] to substandard boarding
homes which receive no Medicaid subsidies. Id.
160. FN159. Id. at 933-34.
161. FN160. In particular the court cited to Guardians
Ass'n v. Civil Service Comm'n, 463 U.S. 582 (1983), which recognized that
Title VI extends to unintentional disparate impact discrimination as well
as deliberate discrimination. Further, Linton acknowledged that in Alexander
v. Choate, 469 U.S. 287, 292-94 (1985), the Supreme Court delegated to
agencies responsibility to determine "what sorts of disparate impacts upon
minorities constituted sufficiently significant social problems, and were
readily enough remediable, to warrant altering the practices of the federal
grantees that had produced those impacts." Id. at 934.
162. FN161. Id. at 935.
163. FN162. According to the defendants, such self-selection
preferences were based on minorities reliance on the extended family, on
the lack of transportation, and on the fear of institutional care. Id.
at 935.
164. FN163. Id.
165. FN164. Id.
166. FN165. Providers include physicians, nurses,
pharmacists, dentists as well as the many other health care professionals
who serve a community.
167. FN166. Jones & Rice, supra note 22, at
10-13. Lack of African-American representation in medicine is traceable
to segregation in medical schools. Id. at 11. For instance, an African-American
did not receive a degree in an American school until 1847. While some white
schools (nine) admitted African- Americans prior to the Civil War, most
schools did not. In fact, even in 1971, 21 medical schools out of 85 still
had no African-American students. Id. Even with the admission of African-Americans
to predominantly white schools, the African-American medical schools, Howard
University and Meharry Medical School, still train 75 percent of African-American
physicians. Donald Wilson, Minorities and the Medical Profession: A Historical
Perspective and Analysis of Current and Future Trends, 78 J. NAT'L MED.
ASSN. 177, 178 (1986); Jones & Rice, supra note 22, at 10-13; See generally
Max Seham, M.D., BLACKS AND AMERICAN MEDICAL CARE 20-21 (1973); U.S. DEPT.
OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES, MINORITIES & WOMEN IN THE HEALTH FIELDS
Table 3 (1990).
168. FN167. Jones & Rice, supra note 22, at
10-13; U.S. DEPT. OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES, supra note 130, Table
3 (1990). See also, Amanda Husted, Shortage of Black Dentists has Ill Effect
in Community, ATLANTA J. & CONST., Aug. 19, 1991, at B3 (discussing
effect of shortage of African-American dentists on community).
169. FN168. Jones & Rice, supra note 22, at
10-13; U.S. DEPT. OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES, supra note 166, Table
3 (1990).
170. FN169. See, Kenneth Reich, Panel Hears Horrors
of Health Care Crisis, L.A. TIMES, Jan. 12, 1992, at B1 (reporting that
witnesses at public hearing tell of long waits at county-run facilities
in minority communities). In fact, 75% of African-American physicians practice
in or near African-American communities, 90% had patient loads that were
at least 50% African-American or minority, 2/613 had 70% African-American
or minority patient loads, and 1/613 had 90% African-American or minority
patient loads. H.R. REP. NO. 804, supra note 76, at 20, reprinted in 1990
U.S.C.C.A.N. 3299.
171. FN170. In addition, even programs (i.e., Medicaid)
do not necessarily expand access since many primary care providers either
do not accept Medicaid patients or limit the number of such patients they
will accept. Karen Davis et al., Health Care for Black Americans: The Public
Sector, in HEALTH POLICIES AND BLACK AMERICANS, supra note 98, at 225-26.
It is only natural to look to the African-American physician to "fill"
this gap. See generally, H.R. Rep. No. 804, supra note 76, at 20, reprinted
in 1990 U.S.C.C.A.N. 3299 (finding that minority health professionals historically
tended to practice in low-income areas and to serve minorities; that minority
health professionals tended to engage in the general practice of medicine
and specialties providing primary care; and that access to health care
among minorities can be substantially improved by increasing the number
of minority health professionals).
172. FN171. See, H.R. REP. NO. 804, supra note
76, at 20, reprinted in 1990 U.S.C.C.A.N. 3299 (finding that the number
of individuals who are from disadvantaged backgrounds [including racial
minorities] in health professions should be increased for the purpose of
improving the access of other such individuals to health services).
173. FN172. One wonders how much of the disparity
treatment is a legacy in medical practice from slavery when ". . . doctors
frequently complained that they were unable to administer treatment because
the slaves were not amenable to the same medical treatment as white patients."
PINKNEY, supra note 89, at 6.
174. FN173. Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs,
Black-White Disparities in Health Care, 263 JAMA 2344 (1990); see also,
Mark B. Wenneker & Arnold M. Epstein, Racial Inequalities in the use
of Procedures for Patients with Ischemic Heart Disease in Massachusetts,
261 JAMA 253, 253-57 (1989).
175. FN174. Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs,
Black-White Disparities in Health Care, supra note 173, at 2344-45; See
also, Albert Oberman & Gary Cutter, Issues in the Natural History and
Treatment of Coronary Heart Disease in Black Populations: Surgical Treatment,
108 AM. HEART J. 688, 688-94 (1984) (discussing results of study showing
a preferential selection of whites for coronary artery bypass grafting).
Cf., Charles Maynard et al., Blacks in the Coronary Artery Surgery Study:
Race and Clinical Decision Making 76 AM. J. PUB. HEALTH 1446, 1446-48 (1986)
(finding that rate of by-pass surgery could not be explained by differences
in clinical or angiographic characteristics).
176. FN175. Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs,
Black-White Disparities in Health Care, supra note 173, at 2345; See generally,
C.M. Kjellstrand & George M. Logan, Racial, Sexual and Age Inequalities
in Chronic Dialysis, 45 NEPHRON 257, 257-63 (1987) ("[I]n three of four
categories, blacks received less dialysis than whites").
177. FN176. See also, Council on Ethical and Judicial
Affairs, Black-White Disparities in Health Care, supra note 173, at 2345;
Kjellstrand & Logan, supra note 175.
178. FN177. Id.; See also, C.M. Kjellstrand, Age,
Sex and Race inequality in Renal Transplantation, 148 ARCHIVES INTERNAL
MED. 1305, 1305-09 (1988); P.W. Eggers, Effect of Transplantation on the
Medicare End-Stage Renal Disease Program, 318 NEW ENG. J. MED. 223-29 (1988)
(reporting that while African- Americans accounted for 33% of patients
with endstage renal problems, they were only 21% of the patients who received
kidney transplants).
179. FN178. Black-White Disparities, supra note
173, at 2345; See also, P.J. Held et al., Access to kidney transplantation:
Has the United States Eliminated Income and Racial Differences? 148 ARCHIVES
INTERNAL MED. 2594, 2594-00 (1988).
180. FN179. Black-White Disparities, supra note
173, at 2345; See also, John Yergan et al., Relationship between Patient
Race and the Intensity of Hospital Services, 25 MED. CARE 592, 600, 603
(1987) (suggesting that nonwhite pneumonic patients receive fewer services,
especially with regards to intesive care).
181. FN180. Black-White Disparities, supra note
173, at 2345; John Yergan et al., supra note 179.
182. FN181. Id.; See also, R.H. de Regt et al.,
Relation of Private or Clinic Care to the Cesarean Birth Rate, 315 NEW
ENG. J. MED. 619, 619-24 (1986).
183. FN182. Black-White Disparities, supra note
173, at 2344; de Regt et al., supra note 181.
184. FN183. Black-White Disparities, supra note
173.
185. FN184. KNOWLES & PREWITT, supra note 15,
at 99.
186. FN185. See Id. at 98 (implicating health institutions
for the failure to carry on medical advances and treatment to the black
community).
187. FN186. Id. at 99.
188. FN187. W.E.B. DUBOIS, BLACK RECONSTRUCTION
703 (1962).
189. FN188. U.S. DEP'T. OF HEALTH & HUMAN SERVICES,
Secretary's Taskforce Report on Minority Health.
190. FN189. Scott, Lawmakers Differ on Measures
to Reform Health care, MEMPHIS BUS. J., June 1, 1992, 41 (stating that
lawmakers agree America has the best health care service in the world);
Storer H. Rowley, Prescription from Canada: Would Universal Health Care
Work in the Country?, CHI. TRIB., May 31, 1992 (reporting that "[m]any
Americans still boast that they have the best health care money can buy
and that it's there on demand, without Canada's occasionally lengthy waiting
lines"); Joel Havemann, A Safety Net Snags on Its Cost; Western Europe's
Prized Welfare Programs Follow Citizens From Cradle to Grave. But Tax Rates
are Astronomical by U.S. Standards, and Critics Are Gingerly Making Changes,
Los Angeles Times, April 21, 1992, at A1 (reporting that "[t]he U.S. medical
profession insists that it delivers the best health care in the world,
that most medical breakthroughs bear a Made-in-the-USA label"); John Lucadamo,
Porter, Sullivan Clash at Debate Over Everything But Pensions, CHI. TRIB.,
March 10, 1992 (reporting that "Porter said the United States has the best
health care in the world 'for those in the system'); George Will, Revision
of Our Health-Care System Should be High on Nation's Agenda, ATLANTA J.
& CONST., Mar. 9, 1992 (stating that "America can provide the world's
best health care - if you can afford it"); President George Bush, Remarks
of President Bush to the San Diego Rotary Club (Feb. 7, 1992) FED. NEWS
SERV., (reporting that "[t]his country has the best health care system
in the world -- the best. And the quality of health care in America is
unrivaled").
191. FN190. Tom Wicker, Introduction to REPORT
OF THE NATIONAL ADVISORY COMMISSION ON CIVIL DISORDERS, at vii (1968).
192. FN191. Dorothy Howze, Closing the Gap Between
Black and White Infant Mortality Rates: An Analysis of Policy Options,
in HEALTH CARE ISSUES IN BLACK AMERICA: POLICIES, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
(Woodrow Jones, Jr. & Mitchell F. Rice eds., 1987).
193. FN192. Duncan MacRae, Jr. & Ron Haskins,
Combining the Roles of Scholar and Citizen, in MODELS FOR ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL
POLICY 119-22 (Ron Haskins & James J. Gallagher eds., 1981).
194. FN193. Id.
195. FN194. Ron Haskins, Social Policy Analysis:
A Partial Agenda, in MODELS FOR ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL POLICY 204 (Ron Haskins
& James J. Gallagher eds., 1981).
196. FN195. Duncan MacRae, Jr. & Ron Haskins,
Models for Policy Analysis, in MODELS FOR ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL POLICY 19-20
(Ron Haskins & James J. Gallagher eds., 1981).
197. FN196. Robert M. Moroney, Policy Analysis
within a Value Theoretical Framework, in MODELS FOR ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL
POLICY 87-88 (Ron Haskins & James J. Gallagher eds., 1981).
198. FN197. MacRae, supra note 192, at 121-23.
The debate that has raged around the stigma that can attached to selective
program is centered in the idea that poor are responsible for their situation.
199. FN198. MacRae & Haskins, supra note 195,
at 2.
200. FN199. The chart below is a visual representation
of how well the "Doing Nothing" meets the various criteria. A minus sign
(-) means that the criteria is not met. A plus sign (+) means that the
criteria is met. A question mark (?) means that it is uncertain as to how
well the criteria will be met.
[Note: The following TABLE/FORM is too wide to be displayed on one screen.
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assemble a printout of the table. The information for each piece includes:
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a three line message preceding the tabular data showing by line # and
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******** This is piece 1. -- It begins at character 1 of table line
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Horizontal Vertical Economic Preference Privacy Stigma
Equity Equity Efficiency Satisfaction
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Political
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201. FN200. Wasted Health Care Dollars, 57(7) CONSUMERS
REPS 435 (1992); See generally, George Lundberg, National Health Care Reform:
The Aura of Inevitability Intensifies, 267 JAMA 2521-24 (1992) (The costs
of malpractice coverage and defensive medicine are unknown but very large
-- perhaps in excess of $20 billion per year. Defensive medicine probably
benefits no one except these with the health care jobs that are generated.
. . The current system is rife with administrative waste, inefficiency,
and a ubiquitous "hassle factor."); D.U. Himmelstein & S. Woolhandler,
Cost Without Benefit: Administrative Waste in U.S. Health Care, 314 NEW
ENG. J. MED. 441-45 (1986) ("With the institution of a national health
plan, $30 billion in administrative costs could be saved."); Jasjit Ahluwalis,
Health Care in the United States: Our Dynamic Jigsaw Puzzle, 150 ARCHIVES
INTERNAL MED. 256, 256-258 (1990) ("Up to 20% of every dollar spent on
the administrative aspects of health care is wasted. If the system were
streamlined, then $15 billion of the $78 billion spent in administration
could be saved."); Eli Ginzberg, Commentary: US Health Policy -- Expectations
and Realities, 260 JAMA 3647, 3647-3650 (1988) ("The 'waste' in the system
of medical care exemplified in physicians' doing too much and, worse still,
often performing diagnostic and therapeutic procedures that are contraindicated");
cf., State of North Carolina ex rel Rufus L. Edmisten v. P.I.A. Asheville,
Inc, 740 F.2d 274 (1984) (indicating that the legislative histories of
both the National Health Planning and Resource Development Act of 1974
and of the 1979 amendments and North Carolina's certificate of need legislation
show that Congress and the North Carolina legislature were concerned about
"the unrelenting rise in the cost of health care, and about wasteful, duplicative
major acquisitions by health care providers"); Alabama Renal Stone Institute,
Inc. v. State Health Planning Agency, 594 So. 2d 106 (Ala. Civ. App. 1991)
(explaining that to allow the hospitals to use the Medstone device to perform
kidney lithotripsy without first obtaining a certificate of need would
be contrary to the intent of the legislature to avoid oversupply and the
substantial waste that will occur); But see, Maxwell J. Mehlman, Health
Care Cost Containment and Medical Technology: A Critique of Waste Theory,
36 CASE W. RES. L. REV. 778 (1985/611986) (stating that the high cost of
health care has led to proposals to reduce wasteful medical technology
under Medicare and other payment systems. Achieving this objective is problematic
because of the difficulties of defining, detecting and eliminating technology
waste).
202. FN201. There is no system imaginable "that's
more dysfunction[al] than the one we have now, more expensive, not doing
the job with more waste." Wasted Health Care Dollars, supra note 200 (quoting
Dr. Philip Caper, an internist and medical policy analyst at Dartmouth
Medical School).
203. FN202. See, supra text accompanying notes
82-86; See generally, E. Richard Brown, Health USA; A National Health Program
for the United States, 267 JAMA 552, 552-58 (1992) (explaining that state
programs must designate funds for a prevention account, to be used for
community-based disease prevention and health promotion programs targeted
to population groups with the greatest unmet needs); Harold Freeman, Race,
Poverty, and Cancer, 83 J. NAT'L CANCER INST. 526, 526-27 (1991) (showing
that shared elements lead to common lifestyle, attitudes, and behavior.
Such cultural factors deeply influence health, and any successful intervention
must necessarily take these powerful cultural realities into account.);
Antonia C. Novello et al., Hispanic Health: Time for Data, Time for Action,
265 JAMA 235, 253-55 (1991) (explaining that differences in health behaviors
and health exist between U.S.-born and foreign-born members of the same
ancestral group; in general, recent arrivals tend to be of better health.);
J. Michael McGinnis, Communication for Better Health, 105 PUB. HEALTH REP.
217-18 (1990) (stating that better control of behavioral risk factors alone
could prevent between 40% and 70% of premature deaths); Council on Scientific
Affairs, Education for Health; A Role for Physicians and the Efficacy of
Health Education Efforts, 263 JAMA 1816, 1816-19 (1990) (suggesting that
many health problems are caused or exacerbated by individuals' life-styles,
and that a result has been efforts to avert health problems of all kinds
leading to the development of programs designed to promote healthful behavior
and improve health).
204. FN203. In 1965, Congress responded to the
medical insurance problems by creating Medicare and Medicaid. Congress
established Medicare to provide medical care to the elderly. Their ability
to pay was irrelevant. See generally, Social Security Amendments of 1965,
PUB. L. NO. 89-97, 79 Stat. 286 (codified as amended in scattered sections
of 42 U.S.C.). Medicaid, a cooperative state-federal program, provides
health insurance to eligible individuals and families. 42 U.S.C. s 1396
(1992).
Since 1965, Medicare and Medicaid have grown significantly. Medicare
currently accounts for approximately 35% of national health care expenditures
and 40% of hospital revenues. See generally, OFFICE OF TECHNOLOGY ASSESSMENT,
MEDICAL TECHNOLOGY AND COSTS OF THE MEDICARE PROGRAM 45-61 (1984) (hereinafter
OTA MEDICARE). Medical Technology Assessment: Hearings on H.R. 5496 before
the Subcommittee on Health and the Environment of the Committee on Energy
and Commerce, 98th Cong., 2d Sess. 544 (1984) [hereinafter cited as Hearings
on H.R. 5496] (statement of Raymond Dross, M.D., on behalf of Health Insurance
Association of America).
Yet, Medicare's impact extends well beyond the program. For example,
other institutional purchasers of health care, such as private insurers,
typically follow Medicare's lead with regard to medical technology and
payment schedules. OTA MEDICARE, supra note 203, at 23.
205. FN204. Pamela Short et al., Health Insurance
of Minorities in the United States 1(2) J. HEALTH CARE FOR POOR & UNDERSERVED
9-24 (1990).
206. FN205. In 1985 only 47% of African-Americans
had employment related insurance compared to 62% of non-African-Americans.
Stephen Long, Public Versus Employment-related Health Insurance: Experience
and Implications for Black and NonBlack Americans, in HEALTH POLICIES AND
BLACK AMERICANS 200-12, at 203 (David P. Willis ed., 1989); see also, Davis,
supra note 170.
207. FN206. Only 28% of African-Americans had public
insurance.; Long, supra note 205, at 203; see also Davis, supra note 63,
at 1.
208. FN207. Short et al., supra, note 204; See
also, Long, supra note 205, at 203; Davis, supra note 170, at 1.
209. FN208. Short et al., supra note 204.
210. FN209. Id.; Davis, supra note 170, at 3-6.
211. FN210. Davis, supra note 170, at 5.
212. FN211. Id. (reporting that as of 1988, the
mean earnings for European-American males was 36% higher than African-American
males).
213. FN212. In 1990, 61% of African-American families
with children under the age of 18 were single caregivers, (i.e. single
parent, single foster parent, single relative, single grandparent) compared
to 23% of similar European-American families. Davis, supra note 170, at
5.
214. FN213. Id. at 6.
215. FN214. Davis, supra note 170, at 28; Short
et al., supra note 204.
216. FN215. Short et al., supra note 204; Davis,
supra, note 170, at 28. Of poor individuals, 36% of European-Americns are
uninsured compared to 35% of African- Americans. Of low-income individuals,
31% of European-Americans are uninsured compared to 30% of African-Americans.
Finally, of middle/high income individuals, 9% of European-Americans are
uninsured compared to 16% of African- Americans. Id.
African-Americans are more likely to be uninsured because they are more
likely to be unemployed or employed in low paying positions which do not
provide health care benefits. For instance, in 1989, 30.7 percent of African-
Americans were poor, compared with 12.8 percent of European-Americans.
In 1990, the African-American unemployment rate (11.3 percent) was 140%
more than European-Americans (4.7 percent). Finally, the mean earnings
of European- American males was 36 percent higher than African-American
males. U.S. House of Representatives, Committee on Ways and Means, 1991.
Green Book, Background Material and Data on Programs within the Jurisdiction
of the Committee on Ways and Means, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing
Office, May 7 (1991).
217. FN216. Numerous policy responses has been
suggested for increasing insurance coverage. The three main proposals are
employer mandate coverage which require all employers to provide health
insurance, expansion of Medicaid coverage or a combination of employer
mandated and expansion of Medicaid. Long, supra note 168, at 200-12. It
is estimated that even with a combined employer mandate and medicaid expansion
some 2.1 million African-Americans will remain uninsured. Id. at 211. Thus,
a fourth proposal, universal health insurance, has been suggested.
218. FN217. This Week with David Brinkley, (ABC
television broadcast, Feb. 2, 1992).
219. FN218. Davis, supra note 170, at 11-12.
220. FN219. Id. at 11.
221. FN220. Id. at 11-13.
222. FN221. Id. at 13.
223. FN222. Id.
224. FN223. Id. at 15-18.
225. FN224. Id. Acute benefits for low income families
would no longer be covered under Medicaid. Instead, states would contribute
toward the new public plan coverage of acute care benefits. Id. However,
Medicaid would continue to provide supplemental benefits and long-term
care. Id.
226. FN225. Id. at 18-20.
227. FN226. Id. at 20-21.
228. FN227. Id.
229. FN228. Id. app. (chart 2).
230. FN229. The chart below is a visual representation
of how well "Expanding Insurance Coverage" meets the various criteria.
A minus sign (-) means that the criteria is not met. A plus sign (+) means
that the criteria is met. A question mark (?) means that it is uncertain
as to how well the criteria will be met.
[Note: The following TABLE/FORM is too wide to be displayed on one screen.
You must print it for a meaningful review of its contents. The table
has been
divided into multiple pieces with each piece containing information
to help you
assemble a printout of the table. The information for each piece includes:
(1)
a three line message preceding the tabular data showing by line # and
character # the position of the upper left-hand corner of the piece
and the
position of the piece within the entire table; and (2) a numeric scale
following the tabular data displaying the character positions.]
******** This is piece 1. -- It begins at character 1 of table line
1. ******** -------------------------------------------------------------------------
Horizontal Vertical Economic Preference Privacy Stigma
Equity Equity Efficiency Satisfaction
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
? - ? - ? ?
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1...+...10....+...20....+...30....+...40....+...50....+...60....+...70...
******* This is piece 2. -- It begins at character 74 of table line
1. ********
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Political
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74...80....+.
231. FN230. Id. at 12; See generally Paul Cotton,
Insurance Loss Threatens Medical Gain, 266 JAMA 2185 (1991) (explaining
that healthy people are increasingly unable to get what health care they
do need due to severe medical underwriting practices by health insurance
companies); Limits on Medical Coverage May Affect 1 of 3 under 65, ATLANTA
J. & CONST., June 19, 1991, at B3 (detailing how an underwriting guide
from an insurer contained 84 conditions - from acne to varicose veins -
that it permanently excluded from health insurance coverage); Private System
Places Millions at Risk, Citizen Action Report Says, 18 Pens. Rep. (BNA)
1048 (June 24, 1991) (discussing how private health insurance policies
have lifetime limits on coverage, routinely deny coverage for any treatment
or device that they do not recognize as accepted medical practice, exclude
from underwriting such conditions as allergies or mild headaches be permanently
excluded and deny coverage for pregnancy and cancer).
232. FN231. Davis, supra note 170, at 12.
233. FN232. Id. at 13-14.
234. FN233. See supra notes 183-186 and accompanying
text.
235. FN234. Alexander M. Capron, Containing Health
Care Costs: Ethical and Legal Implications of Changes in the Methods of
Paying Physicians, 36 CASE W. RES. L. REV. 708 (1986).
236. FN235. Yoder, Physicians Payment Methods:
Forms and Levels of Physicians' Compensation, in INSTITUTE OF MEDICINE,
REFORMING PHYSICIAN PAYMENT: REPORT OF A CONFERENCE 87, 88 (1984).
237. FN236. Id.
238. FN237. See supra text and notes accompanying
footnote 200.
239. FN238. Capron, supra note 234, at 708. In
particular, the payors' methods of calculating fees to be paid further
complicated the picture. The practice of covering "usual, customary and
reasonable (UCR) cost" allowed the provider to charge whatever the market
would bear -- and they usually did.
When the maximum payments available under usual and customary became
public knowledge, there was a natural tendency on the part of physicians.
. . to move to the maximum available. . . . Once that was done, the whole
concept of usual and customary, based on physicians' pricing as an independent
entity unaffected by their peers or others in the community, was gone.
The whole program changed its nature both as to Medicare and as to private,
usual and customary. . . . Prices rose dramatically. . . . The doctor could
find [the maximum UCR] out very readily by simply testing the system by
raising his fees until he hit the upper limit, and they did.
Sylvia A. Law & Barry Ensminger, Negotiating Physicians' Fees: Individual
Patients or Society? (A Case Study in Federalism), 61 N.Y. U. L. REV. 1,
34 (citing Transcript at 27-98-99 Kartell v. Blue Shield of Mass., Inc.,
582 F. Supp. 734 (D. Mass. 1984) (testimony of John Larkin Thompson, president
of Blue Shield of Massachusetts)).
240. FN239. When insurance induces a person to
use more medical care than he or she would use if paying for the services
directly, then the insurance is a "moral hazard" with respect to the person's
indifference to cost. MARK HALL & IRA ELLMAN, HEALTH CARE LAW AND ETHICS
IN A NUTSHELL 8 (1989).
241. FN240. Capron, supra note 234, at 709.
242. FN241. W.G. Manning et al., A Controlled Trial
on the Effect of a Prepaid Group Practice on Use of Services, 310 NEW ENG.
J. MED. 1505-10 (1984).
243. FN242. Hall & Ellman, supra note 239,
at 11 (1990).
244. FN243. See supra note 234 and accompanying
text.
245. FN244. See supra note 233 and accompanying
text.
246. FN245. Utilization review is the process by
which an organization determines if medical services are appropriate and
necessary. In the managed care product, this involves examining providers'
authorization and furnishing services to detect variations from the norm
that may point to unnecessary or inappropriate care. Pamela S. Bouey, Peer
Review In Managed Care Setting, in COM. LAW AND PRAC. COURSE AND HANDBOOK
SERIES, MANAGED CARE 1988: LEGAL AND OPERATIONAL HEALTH CLASSES (1988).
When the third-party payer detects variation, either it does not pay the
claim [retrospective utilization management programs analyze data on hospital
admissions, patterns of treatment and utilization of certain procedures
or refuses to authorize the provision of the service (concurrent and prospective)].
Under a prospective review system, most non-emergency hospital admissions
must receive prior approval and an initial approved length of stay is assigned.
Richard Hinden & Douglas Elden, Liability Issues for Managed Care Entities,
14 SETON HALL LEGIS. J. 1, 52 (1990).
247. FN246. If payers did not combine utilization
review with financial risk shifting, the review process alone would have
limited effectiveness in controlling costs. Consequently, payers use various
financial risk-shifting mechanisms. These mechanisms cause the provider
(physician) to change his or her pattern of practice from over-utilization
to "appropriate utilization" at best and "under-utilization" at worst.
Financial risk shifting can arise in a variety of arrangements: ownership
interest, joint-venture, or a "bonus" arrangement in which the third-party
payer shares the surplus from "cost-effective" care with the physician.
See generally, Paul M. Elwood, Jr., When MDs Meet DRGs, 57 HOSP., Dec.
16, 1983, at 62-63; E. Haavi Morreim, The MD and the DRG, 15 HASTINGS CTR.
REP., June 1985, at 30, 34-35; Capron, supra note 234, at 725-29. While
the form may vary, the penalties have similar effects. For instance, payers
indirectly penalize physicians by giving them less profits or directly
penalize them by reducing capitation payments each time they make "inappropriate
referrals." However, not all risk shifting mechanisms have the same impact.
Some have a greater potential than others for causing the physician to
act in a way that is not consistent with the patient's best interests.
For instance, because mechanisms, like physician diagnostic-related groups
and capitation, require the physicians to bear individual loss, they have
the greatest risk.
248. FN247. With the stabilization of HMOs as a
cost control mechanism, payers were pushed to find more efficient cost
control methods or plans. The push resulted in the proliferation of other
managed care arrangements, most notably preferred provider organizations
(PPOs). PPOs contract directly with an employer through its health benefits
department or indirectly through an insurance carrier. Typically, while
the choice of providers is limited, the overall expense to the patient
is lower than with traditional insurance. Physicians contracting with PPOs
agree to accept both utilization review controls and financial risk- shifting
structures. Payers give consumers economic incentives to use the PPOs'
physicians. National Health Lawyers Association, Introduction To Alternative
Delivery Mechanisms: HMOs, PPOs & CMPs 11 (Jeanie M. Johnson ed., 1986).
Greg de Lissovoy, et. al., Preferred Provider Organizations: Today's Models
and Tomorrow's Prospects, 23 INQUIRY 7, 7-8 (1986).
Monetary incentives focused on the patient effectively obviate freedom
of choice. If a patient is unable to pay the difference, he or she will
have no choice but to utilize the preferred provider. Approximately 20
states have attempted to resolve this issue by passing laws which limit
the reimbursement differential between PPO and non-PPO utilization. It
is unclear whether such limitations protect "freedom of choice" since to
do so would limit the effectiveness of managed care products. Daniel Forbes,
Cut Health Care Costs, Get Sued?, DUN'S BUS. MONTH, July 1986, at 39; See
also, Edward J. Hopkins & Gary Davis, Restricted Choice--A Liability
of Alternative Delivery Systems, 58 FLA. B. J. 145, 145-46 (1984); Dr.
Norman Payson, A Physician's Viewpoint on PRO's, 6 WHITTIER L. REV. 699-05
(1984).
249. FN248. Current cost-containment efforts shift
the risk of financial loss for health care in whole or in part to the providers
of that care. Galen D. Powers, Allocation of Risk in Managed Care Programs,
in MANAGED HEALTH CARE: LEGAL AND OPERATIONAL ISSUES FACING PROVIDERS,
INSURERS, AND EMPLOYERS 279 (1986) [hereinafter Allocation of Risk]. Physicians
are offered economic incentives to act as the third-party payer's agent-the
"gatekeeper" to health care services. Carolyn M. Clancy & Bruce E.
Hillner, Physicians as Gatekeepers: the Impact of Financial Incentives,
149 ARCHIVES INTERNAL MED. 917, 917-20 (1989). This change shifts the focus
of the health care system from the doctor-patient relationship to the doctor-payer
relationship. Ultimately, the doctor and payer will determine the quality
of care received by the patient and the patient's access to that care.
The gatekeeping role is not new to physicians. They have used their position
in several ways. For instance, physicians have used their authority as
health care gatekeepers to resist hospitals' and insurers' efforts to influence
medical treatment. Furthermore, they have generally used their role to
obtain more services for the patient, not less. Now, however, they use
their position to "save" money for third party payers by ordering fewer
services. See, Robert Scheier, Twin City MDs Fight IPA Hospital Contracts,
AM. MED. NEWS, Feb. 28, 1986.
250. FN249. No matter how one looks at gatekeeping
schemes they will eventually alter the perceptions and expectations of
society, physicians, patients and third-party payers. How these parties
will feel about what is owed to whom, what treatments are appropriate in
what circumstances, and even what qualifies as a disease will be altered.
Capron, supra note 234, at 730-33. These changes run the risk of injuring
individuals merely because they cannot get access to the treatment that
they need. When this failure to obtain appropriate medical care is due
to cost containment efforts, who shall bear the cost? If cost containment
is an important societal goal, then the cost of injuries should be spread
throughout the society. Soon payers will routinely withhold (or decline
to pay for) certain interventions that might benefit certain patients but
that simply cost too much because it is the collective societal attitude
not to "check on physicians' temptation to place their own interest ahead
of their patient's interests. Instead society [attempts] to use physicians'
selfish motivation to restrain full pursuit of patients' interest." Capron,
supra note 234, at 749. "By asserting incentives that result in the physicians'
having their own finances at risk, the new methods of physician reimbursement
turn physicians into gatekeepers for [third-party payers]. Their decisions
would no longer be based on medical criteria alone (i.e., does this medicine
have something to offer this patient?) but would take into account the
financial risk if they admit patients into the system whose care costs
more than insurance will pay." Capron, supra note 234, at 753.
251. FN250. Bouey, supra note 245, at 1.
252. FN251. "Retrospective utilization management
programs analyze data on hospital admissions, patterns of treatment and
utilization of certain procedures." Hinden & Elden, supra note 245,
at 52.
253. FN252. "Under a prospective review system,
most non-emergency hospital admissions must receive prior approval and
an initial approved length of stay is assigned." Hinden & Elden, supra
note 245, at 52.
254. FN253. Utilization review may take several
forms:
Pre-admission review for scheduled hospitalization which determines
the medical necessity of a scheduled inpatient admission, of expensive
procedures, or of outpatient procedures. Initial determination is made
by a nurse review coordinator using established criteria. Almost all managed
care products use pre-admission certifications. Bouey, supra note 207,
at 11. A registered nurse usually conducts off-site pre-admission certification.
If there is a scheduled admission prior to hospitalization, the patient's
physician completes a review form. She describes the patient's medical
condition, and the treatment plan, and forwards the form to the nurse review
coordinator. The nurse notifies the physician, patient and hospital of
the decision regarding the appropriateness of admission and length of stay.
Harold Bischoff, Utilization Review and Health Maintenance Organizations,
13-14 (1989) (fellowship thesis, American Hospital Association). There
is, of course, an appeal process that is conducted by a physician.
Admission review for unscheduled hospitalization determines the medical
necessity of unscheduled in-patient admissions or other admissions not
covered by pre-admission review. Most managed care products use concurrent
review. The primary exception is hospitals that are paid based upon diagnostic-related
groups. Bouey, supra note 245, at 10.
Second opinions for elective surgery. Bouey, supra note 245 at 11;
Concurrent review (or, length of stay ["LOS"] certification) determines
the medical necessity of a continued hospital stay. When the LOS certificate
expires either the patient or the provider may request extension. Bouey,
supra note 245, at 12; Hinden & Elden, supra note 245, at 52. A concurrent
review is conducted by a nurse reviewing the patient's treatment plan.
The nurse conducts the review at the hospital using established medical
criteria. If the nurse judges the treatment plan to be appropriate, s/he
approves the stay until the next review cycle or the patient is discharged.
If s/he does not approve the treatment plan, the nurse refers the case
to a physician advisor who either confirms the need for continued treatment
or suggests alternate treatment. Bischoff, supra note 253, at 11.
Gate-keeping by primary physician determines, in a variety of ways,
whether or not a patient should be seen. Bouey, supra note 245, at 14.
Retrospective claims review disallows payments of claims for utilization
abuses. Since it is not as effective as prospective or concurrent review,
use of retrospective claims review is declining. Bouey, supra note 245,
at 14. However, it is useful as a tool to research provider claims. For
example, it would be useful in determining whether the objective laboratory
data (biopsy) and subjective data (surgeon notes) coincide with the length
of stay or the length of surgery. Bischoff, supra note 253, at 15. Consequently,
retrospective review can be a very important tool in a managed care agency
such as an HMO.
255. FN254. Karen Davis & Diane Rowland, Uninsured
and Undeserved: Inequalities in Health Care in the United States 61 Milbank
Memorial Fund Q. 149, 155-58 (1983).
256. FN255. Davis, supra note 170, at 9.
257. FN256. Id.
258. FN257. See Disadvantaged Minority Health Improvement
Act of 1990, Pub. L. No. 101-527, 104 Stat. 2311. The establishment of
the Office of Minority Health within the Office of the Assistant Secretary
for Health in the Department of Health & Human Services was codified
in Title XVII of the Public Health Service Act. The Disadvantaged Minority
Health Improvement Act [hereinafter DMHIA] provided for a broad range of
activities relating to improving the health status of African-Americans
and other minorities. For instance, the Office of Minority Health [hereinafter
OMH] is required to establish objectives and to coordinate all activities
within the Department of Health & Human Services related to minority
health, including disease prevention, health promotion, service delivery,
and research. Furthermore, OMH is required to enter into interagency agreements
with public health service agencies to increase the participation of minorities
in the service and its promotion programs.
259. FN258. Id. at s 3.
260. FN259. Id. at s 4.
261. FN260. Id. at s 5.
262. FN261. Id. at s 6.
263. FN262. Id. at s 8.
264. FN263. Id. at s 9.
265. FN264. Id. at s 10.
266. FN265. Arkansas, Illinois, Iowa, Missouri,
Ohio, Texas. Ohio Office of Minority Health, Characteristics of Minority
Health Entities by State (Table 1) (Unpublished information on file at
Case Western Reserve Health Matrix Journal of Law-Medicine office).
267. FN266. Delaware, Michigan, Mississippi and
New Jersey. Id.
268. FN267. Alabama, Georgia, Hawaii, Indiana,
Massachusetts, Oregon, South Carolina and Virginia. Id.
269. FN268. Michigan ($900,000), New Jersey ($500,000),
Ohio ($1,600,000) and Oregon ($1,838,241).
270. FN269. Id.
271. FN270. The chart below is a visual representation
of how well "Targeting Services" meets the various criteria. A minus sign
(-) means that the criteria is not met. A plus sign (+) means that the
criteria is met. A question mark (?) means that it is uncertain as to how
well the criteria will be met.
[Note: The following TABLE/FORM is too wide to be displayed on one screen.
You must print it for a meaningful review of its contents. The table
has been
divided into multiple pieces with each piece containing information
to help you
assemble a printout of the table. The information for each piece includes:
(1)
a three line message preceding the tabular data showing by line # and
character # the position of the upper left-hand corner of the piece
and the
position of the piece within the entire table; and (2) a numeric scale
following the tabular data displaying the character positions.]
******** This is piece 1. -- It begins at character 1 of table line
1. ********
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Horizontal Vertical Economic Preference Privacy Stigma
Equity Equity Efficiency Satisfaction
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- + ? ? - -
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1...+...10....+...20....+...30....+...40....+...50....+...60....+...70...
******* This is piece 2. -- It begins at character 74 of table line
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272. FN271. Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act,
Pub. L. No. 99-352, 378 252 (codified at 42 U.S.C. ss 2000d-200d-4 (1982).
273. FN272. See, H.R. DOC. NO. 318, 88th Cong.,
2d Sess. (1964). See generally, Mitchell Rice & Woodrow Jones, Jr.,
Public Policy Compliance/Enforcement and Black American Health: Title VI
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, in HEALTH CARE ISSUES IN BLACK AMERICA:
POLICIES, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS 100-17 (Woodrow Jones, Jr. & Mitchell
F. Rice eds., 1987); Dorn et al., supra note 100, at 439- 40 (interperpreting
the Title VI regulations); Sidney Watson, Reinvigorating Title VI: Defending
Health Care Discrimination-It Shouldn't Be So Easy?, 58 FORDHAM L. REVIEW
939, 943-48 (1990).
274. FN273. 45 C.F.R. s 80.3(b)(2) (1991) (emphasis
added).
275. FN274. 45 C.F.R. s 80.13(i) (1991). DHHS provides
federal assistance "to more than 6,800 hospitals, 13,700 out-patient and
primary care facilities, various state and local public health agencies,
8,000 day care centers and 37,000 local services agencies. . . . [T]here
are more than 43,000 DHHS recipients serving more than 93 million beneficiaries."
Rice and Jones, supra note 236, at 100.
276. FN275. Although it does not include federal
contracts of insurance or guaranty 42 U.S.C.A. s 2000d-1 (1981); 42 U.S.C.A.
s 2000d-4 (1981), it does include: Medicare and Medicaid constitute federal
financial assistance. See United States v. Baylor Univ. Medical Ctr., 736
F.2d 1039, 1046-47 (5th Cir. 1984) cert. denied 469 U.S. 1189 (1985) (Comprehensive
Citations); Supplemental Security Income Payments are not federal financial
assistance. See Sobral-Perez v. Heckler, 717 F.2d 36, 38-41 (2d Cir. 1983)
cert. denied, 466 U.S. 929 (1984); Health planning grants 45 C.F.R. s 80
app. A, pt. 1, at 92; Loans and loan guarantees for hospitals and other
medical facilities, 45 C.F.R. s 80 app. A., pt. 1, at 109 (1991) and Maternal
and Child Health Grants and Crippled Children Services grants 45 C.F.R.
s 80 app A., pt 1 (1991).
277. FN276. The program includes an entire agency
or institution if any part receives federal financial assistance. 42 U.S.C.
ss 2000d, 2000d-4a (1982); Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987, Pub. L.
No. 100-259, 102 Stat. 28, 28-29. See O'Conner v. Peru State College, 781
F.2d 632, 639-42 (8th Cir. 1986).
278. FN277. 45 C.F.R. s 80.3(b) (6) (i) (1991).
279. FN278. 42 U.S.C. s 2000d-1 (1982).
280. FN279. Cf., 45 C.F.R. s 80.3(B)(1)(vii)(2)
(1991) (Health Education and Welfare); 15 C.F.R. s 8.4(b)(2) (1991) (Commerce).
281. FN280. Cf, 45 C.F.R. s 80.3(B)(1)(vii)(2)
(1991) (Health Education and Welfare) 15 C.F.R. s 8.4(b)(2) (1991) (Commerce).
282. FN281. 45 C.F.R. s 80.3(b)(1)(i) (1991).
283. FN282. 45 C.F.R. s 80.3(b)(1)-(3) (1991).
284. FN283. Id.
285. FN284. For example, referral of white mental
patients to individual counseling and blacks to group counseling; or the
dumping of indigent emergency room patients from private, largely "white"
hospitals to public hospitals would be prohibited under Title VI. Dorn
et al., supra note 100, at 440-41.
286. FN285. Restricted admission practices which
have a discriminatory effect include: not having physicians on staff or
otherwise available who accept Medicaid patients; or requiring preadmission
deposits as a condition of obtaining care. Dorn et al., supra note 100,
at 441.
287. FN286. Id.
288. FN287. Id.
289. FN288. The chart below is a visual representation
of how well the "Eliminating Discrimination" meets the various criteria.
A minus sign (-) means that the criteria is not met. A plus sign (+) means
that the criteria is met. A question mark (?) means that it is uncertain
as to how well the criteria will be met.
[Note: The following TABLE/FORM is too wide to be displayed on one screen.
You must print it for a meaningful review of its contents. The table
has been
divided into multiple pieces with each piece containing information
to help you
assemble a printout of the table. The information for each piece includes:
(1)
a three line message preceding the tabular data showing by line # and
character # the position of the upper left-hand corner of the piece
and the
position of the piece within the entire table; and (2) a numeric scale
following the tabular data displaying the character positions.]
******** This is piece 1. -- It begins at character 1 of table line
1. ********
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Horizontal Vertical Economic Preference Privacy Stigma
Equity Equity Efficiency Satisfaction
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
+ + ? + - ?
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
1...+...10....+...20....+...30....+...40....+...50....+...60....+...70...
******* This is piece 2. -- It begins at character 74 of table line
1. ********
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Political
Feasibility
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74...80....+.
290. FN289. Although, Title VI does have affirmative
action provisions and rules.
291. FN290. Agencies may refuse to grant funds
or terminate funding to any recipient found in violation of the Title VI
regulations. The termination is limited to the particular program or part
of program. While no court order is necessary, judicial review is available
at the request of the fund recipient. See 45 C.F.R. s 80.8 (1991); See
generally Dorn et al., supra note 100, at 442-44.
292. FN291. 45 C.F.R. s 80.7(b) (1991).
293. FN292. One solution to the issue of ignorance
of rights may be to require hospitals to give notice to patients that they
have the right to file a complaint with Office of Civil Rights if they
feel that they have been denied services or that the quality of services
has been affected because of race.
294. FN293. 45 C.F.R. s 81.23 (1991).
295. FN294. Dorn et al., supra note 100, at 444.
296. FN295. See Cheyney State College Faculty v.
Hufstedler, 703 F.2d 732, 738 (1983) (holding that a study of action was
appropriate as some of the problems could be more readily obtained through
flexibility of the ongoing administrative process); see generally Dorn
et al., supra note 100, at 444.
297. FN296. Dorn et al., supra note 100, at 444.
298. FN297. Id.
299. FN298. Id.
300. FN299. Dorn et al., supra note 100, at 444-46.
301. FN300. See, Guardians Ass'n v. Civil Serv.
Comm'n, 463 U.S. 582, 593-95 (1983); Consolidated Rail Corp v. Darrone,
104 S.Ct. 1248, 1252-53 & n.9 (1984). Plaintiff may recover equitable
retrospective and prospective relief. 463 U.S. at 602-03. Court not yet
addressing whether plaintiff may recover damages. 463 U.S. at 630.
302. FN301. See e.g., Wards Cove Packing Co. v.
Atonio, 109 S.Ct. 2115, 2124-27 (1989) (providing general reference to
burdens of proof; International Bd. of Teamster v. United States, 431 U.S.
324, 335 (1977); See also, Watson, supra note 272, at 958-59.
303. FN302. Watson, supra note 237 at, 971-75.
304. FN303. Id. at 959-60.
305. FN304. Id. at 960 (quoting United States v.
Jacksonville Terminal Co., 451 F.2d 418,451 (5th Cir. 1971) quoted in Pettway
v. American Cast Iron Pipe Co., 494 F.2d 211, 245 (5th Cir. 1974), cert
denied 439 U.S. 1115 (1979).
306. FN305. See, Civil Rights Act of 1991, Pub.
L. No. 102-166 (Nov. 21, 1991), 105 Stat. 1071, 102d Cong., 1st Sess. (1991)
(codifying interpretation of Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VII, which
had been enunciated in Griggs v. Duke Power Co., 401 U.S. 424 (1971), and
repudiated in Wards Cove Packing Co. v. Antonio, 490 U.S. 642 (1989).
307. FN306. Bryan v. Koch, 627 F.2d 612, 619-20
(1980) (holding that Title VI does not implicitly require a recipient to
consider alternatives to proposed placement of closing of a public facility);
NAACP v. Medical Ctr., Inc., 657 F.2d 1322, 1334-37 (3rd Cir. 1981).
308. FN307. Watson, supra note 272, at 971-75
309. FN308. Id. at 973.
310. FN309. Id. at 978.
311. FN310. See, KNOWLES & PREWITT, supra note
15, at 96 (placing burden of mobilizing medical resources on health institutions
due to their relationship with medical community and patients).
312. FN311. Id.
313. FN312. This quote is taken from an article
about South Africa with merely name changes from South Africa to the U.S.
and Apartheid to Racism, it is equally true about the United States of
America. Elena Nightingale, et al., Apartheid Medicine: Health and Human
Rights in South Africa, 264 JAMA 2097, 2102 (1990 |