March 2009

Sikivu Hutchinson

Ida B. Wells

“Wells was perhaps the first journalist to speak out on the racist and sexist implications of lynching.”

In their landmark 1982 anthology on black feminism, Gloria Hull, Barbara Smith and Patricia Bell Scott proclaimed that “all the women are white, all the blacks are men, but some of us are brave.” Perhaps no pioneering activist more fervently embodied the spirit of this sentiment than Ida B. Wells. A giant of the independent black press and early media literacy educator, Wells’ leadership and uncompromising vision continue to reverberate for black women. As we recognize International Women’s Day and Women’s History Month we can look to her life for lessons and inspiration; not only regarding her activism but on how she negotiated the double burden. In the era before daycare and leave time, Wells, like scores of other black women before her, was a caregiver navigating the divide between her domestic responsibilities and her life’s work as the greatest media watchdog of her time.

Accused of not knowing her place because she challenged the vacuum in male leadership around lynching, Wells struggled for recognition and compensation for her work. The constant juggling of her roles as writer, activist, orator and mother loomed large in both her public and private stance on women’s rights. Wells once boasted that she was perhaps the only nursing mother to travel nationwide to give political addresses. After the birth of her second child she announced that she was retiring from public activism to devote all her energies to motherhood, only to come blazing back onto the national stage three months later to protest the lynching of a black postmaster and his family.

“Wells once boasted that she was perhaps the only nursing mother to travel nationwide to give political addresses.”

In her fearless defense of lynching victims and African Americans’ right to due process, Wells often bucked the backward conventional wisdom of the era. When she began her campaign against lynching in the late 19^th century there wasn’t consensus among African Americans that lynching was worthy of a national social justice movement, nor was there agreement about the terroristic sexual politics that motivated white lynch mobs. Wells was perhaps the first journalist to speak out on the racist and sexist implications of lynching. In her editorials she consistently blasted the hypocrisy of white savagery against black men accused of raping white women and exposed the long history of black female sexual exploitation by white men. Catapulted into twenty first century America, Wells might not be surprised at the power that this legacy has had on contemporary media images of black femininity. She might not be surprised that reconciling black liberation struggle with feminism is still dicey. As an outspoken suffragist and defender of the black female image she would have choice words for the young woman who told me recently that it’s ok when she’s addressed as a bitch or a ho because “I know I’m not one.” As a Chicago organizer ever skeptical of black politicians, she might have initially celebrated the election of Barack Obama then used her bully pulpit to separate the rhetoric of post-racial inclusion from the reality of racial apartheid. And as an early critic of western gunboat diplomacy she would have seen a clear connection between the U.S. government’s interventionist policies and its imperial relationship with over-incarcerated black communities.

“Her relative obscurity parallels her conflicts with a black political establishment that deemed her too radical for her gender.”

Despite her challenges to the American criminal justice system, her long record of publication at home and abroad, and her influence on Frederick Douglass and W.E.B. DuBois (both of whom were ambivalent if not threatened by her single-mindedness), Wells’ legacy remains undervalued. Eclipsed by the cult of charismatic masculinity that privileged the contributions of male leaders like Douglas and DuBois, her relative obscurity parallels her conflicts with a black political establishment that deemed her too radical for her gender. Remarking that “the people must know before they can act, and there is no educator to compare with the press,” Wells remains a beacon of justice and a testament to the radical power of black feminist media literacy.

Sikivu Hutchinson is the editor of blackfemlens.org and a commentator for KPFK 90.7 FM.

Obama's Failure on International Human Rights and Racism

Vernellia R. Randall

On 21 March 1960 at least 180 black Africans were injured (there are claims of as many as 300) and 69 killed when South African police opened fire on approximately 300 demonstrators, who were protesting against the pass laws, at the township of Sharpeville. The Sharpeville Massacre, as the event has become known, signaled the start of armed resistance in South Africa, and prompted worldwide condemnation of South Africa's Apartheid policies. March 21 marks the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. Established by the United Nations in 1966, the day commemorates the anniversary of the Sharpville massacre.

On this day, we must remind ourselves of our obligation to counter and ultimately defeat all vestiges of racism and xenophobia in all of their virulent forms: intentional and negligent.

Modern day racism is not intentional or individual; it is institutionalized system of oppression and exploitation that is reinforced by a complex and pervasive system of beliefs, policies, practices and laws. In the United States, we have eliminated slavery and legal apartheid (Jim Crow) and that is significant progress. But racism like water finds a way.

Because it is hidden from the eyes of the every day person, racism of the 21^st century, (institutional, structural and systemic) grows as virulent and as egregious as slavery and legal apartheid.

Few people realize that in every area of life, except civic engagement, Blacks are worst off than whites. . For instance, based on the 2007 Urban League Report⁽¹⁾:

	Blacks	Whites
•Median Income	$30,858	$50,784
•Unemployment rate	9%	4%
•Mortgage Application Denial	47.9%	24.4%
•Homes with Computers	44.6%	66.6%
•Life Expectancy at Birth	73.1%	78.3%
•High School Graduation	81%	86%
•Bachelor Degree	1.9%	3.5%
•Law Degree	1.8%	3.0%
•High School Drop out	15%	12%
•Stopped While Driving	9.14%	8.75%
•Average Jail Sentence for Murder - male (months)	240	213

Few people realize that it is not about class or poverty. That is, in also every area of American life where there is a disparity between blacks and whites: poor blacks are worst off than poor whites and middle class black are worst off than middle class whites.

It was my hope that Obama, as the first Black president, would make eliminating these obvious racial disparities an integrated priority of his administration. It was my hope that Obama would take a different approach than his all white predecessors.

Unfortunately, Obama appears to reaffirmed long-standing neglect of efforts to eliminate racism. (continued)

Announcements

NY Post Must Apologize to America
NAACP and Mumia Abu-Jamal Case
Ward Churchill Trial Update
UDSL Professor Uses Technology

Links

NAACP Legal Defense Fund Files Brief in Supreme Court in Mumia Abu-Jamal Case

(New York, NY)- Today the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF) filed a friend of the court brief in support of Mumia Abu-Jamal's claim of racial discrimination in the selection of the jury for his 1981 death penalty trial. LDF's brief supports Mr. Abu-Jamal's request for United States Supreme Court review of his appeal urging enforcement of the laws that require courts to promptly investigate evidence of discrimination against African American prospective jurors.

Specifically, LDF objects to the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit's use of a restrictive interpretation of Batson v. Kentucky, a Supreme Court decision prohibiting prosecutors from excluding prospective jurors on the basis of race, to conclude that Mr. Abu-Jamal failed to present sufficient evidence to support his claim of racial discrimination in jury selection. LDF's brief explains that the Third Circuit's conclusion that the only way to prove that racial discrimination infected the jury selection process is to document the race of all members from the panel of prospective jurors and the race of all stricken jurors ignores other significant indicators of discrimination in jury selection and contradicts the Supreme Court's command that courts examine a wide array of evidence to properly ferret out discrimination in jury selection.

As applied to Mr. Abu-Jamal's case, the Third Circuit decision means that the trial prosecutor's pattern of strikes against African-American prospective jurors, a culture of discrimination in the prosecutor's office (including a videotaped training advocating the exclusion of prospective jurors of color), a comprehensive statistical study documenting a pattern of exclusion of prospective jurors of color by the prosecutor's office and other such evidence is insufficient to suggest discrimination. LDF's brief explains that turning a blind eye to such credible evidence of discrimination not only conflicts with the law but also undermines public confidence in integrity of the courts.

"We believe that the Third Circuit's interpretation of the law will have the effect of shielding discrimination and undermining the rights of criminal and capital defendants to a fair trial. It is our hope that the Supreme Court will accept and review Mr. Abu-Jamal's case to make sure that courts respond promptly and appropriately when confronted with real questions about the existence of racial discrimination in jury selection ," said John Payton, LDF President and Director-Counsel.

A Message from Natsu Saito on Ward Churchill's Court Date

Ward Churchill Trial Update

Ward & I are very appreciative of all of the support we have received over the past several years in our battle with the University of Colorado, and for all of the work that each of you contributes to our collective struggle. We wanted to keep you updated as we prepare to go to trial next week.

As most of you know, Ward Churchill -- an indigenous scholar and activist and tenured professor of Ethnic Studies-- came under attack in January 2005 for an article he wrote on 9/11. A media blitz followed in which Bill O’Reilly and others spearheaded attacks on Ward. Colorado Governor Bill Owens called for the University to fire him immediately but, because that would have been blatantly unconstitutional, CU instead launched an investigation into all of Ward’s writings in an attempt to come up with some pretext to fire him. In July 2007, the University of Colorado fired Ward for “academic misconduct.”

Ward’s case is emblematic of the attempts to silence dissent that we have seen all over this country, not just in our universities, but in our communities as well. Ward is now suing the University. Many indigenous scholars and activists, as well as critical race theorists including Prof. Derrick Bell will be testifying.

Ward is requesting reinstatement so that CU and other universities will be deterred from attempts to silence other critical voices. It is our deepest hope that in standing up to the rightwing forces attempting to silence Ward we will show them that we will not tolerate such repression.

The trial is scheduled for March 9-27 in Denver state court. If you are in the area, your presence would be greatly appreciated:

Denver State Court, Courtroom #6, 1437 Bannock St., Denver, CO 80202

Supporters have organized a kick-off event is Monday, March 9, 2009 from 9:30am-5pm, with refreshments across the street from the courthouse in Civic Center Park. For more info or ride shares, e-mail churchilltrial@gmail.com.

If you would like more information, or can make a donation to the legal fund, please visit the Ward Churchill Solidarity Network website atwww.wardchurchill.net.

Finally, please keep us in your thoughts and spread the word!

In struggle and solidarity,

Natsu Saito

Race, Racism and the Law
Speaking Truth to Power!!

International Human Rights
and the Black Community

Same level:

[ What's New! April 2009 ] [ March 2009 ] [ February 2009 - Race, Racism and the Law ]

Child Level:

Parent Level:

[ Law Review Articles on Race and Racism ] [ Obama Administration, Race and Racism ]

Units:

[Race and Racial Groups] [Citizenship Rights] [Justice and Race] [Patterns of Basic Needs] [Intersectionality Issues] [Human Rights]

Always Under Construction!

Race, Racism and the Law Speaking Truth to Power!!

International Human Rightsand the Black Community