| |







 |
| |
|
| |
|
| |
Web Editor: |
| |
Vernellia R. Randall
Professor of Law
The University of Dayton
Web Editor |
|
|
|
| |
|
| |




 |
| |
Meritocracy and Diversity
Leland Ware, Tales From The Crypt:
Does Strict Scrutiny Sound The Death Knell For
Affirmative Action In Higher Education?, 23 J.C.
& U.L. 43-90, 84-88 (1996) Copyright (C) 1996
by the National Association of College &
University Attorneys; Leland Ware.
Affirmative action in the educational setting is predicated on a
justification that is different from the rationale used in
employment or public contracts. The importance of promoting
student body diversity was one of the key lines of reasoning in
Justice Powell's opinion in Bakke. The recognition of the
desirability of diversity in academic environments still retains
a substantial amount of legitimacy even as skepticism of other
forms of affirmative action grows. The theory of diversity is
grounded on the principle of academic freedom. In the case of
admissions, however, the desire for a diverse student body
collides with the meritocratic belief that the brightest students
are entitled to be favored over those who are less gifted.
Meritocracy is premised on an assumption that merit can be
accurately measured through a combination of grades and
standardized test scores. An inordinate faith in test scores is
embraced by almost all except those who design and administer
standardized examinations. Test scores are notorious for their
inability to accurately predict a student's performance. Not only
do the designers of standardized examinations lack the ability to
see into the future, they also have the benefit of years of
studies which prove beyond doubt that they lack that ability. The
strongest claim that can be made for standardized tests is a
correlation between performance and scores at the very highest
and lowest levels. In the vast middle range, where the majority
of students fall, the predictive value is no more reliable than
the flip of a coin. Standardized tests were not widely used to
screen students until after World War II, when the number of
students seeking postsecondary education outstripped the
capacities of colleges and universities to satisfy the demand.
The use of standardized tests and grades have long been known to
have a disparate impact on minority applicants. In short, the
question of who should be admitted to a particular college or
university is inherently subjective. The assumption that
affirmative action is unfair to whites is premised on an
erroneous belief that test scores are not biased against
minorities. . . Adarand, of course, addressed affirmative action
in the context of federal "set aside" programs which
were based on cases which held that strict scrutiny did not apply
to the federal government. Adarand repudiated that foundation,
and Croson had already applied strict scrutiny to programs
established by state and local governments. Adarand did not
consider whether student body diversity constitutes a
sufficiently compelling justification for the use of race-
conscious admissions criteria. It provides no guidance as to what
constraints might be placed on affirmative action programs
developed by private colleges and universities.
Croson required courts to apply strict scrutiny to affirmative
action programs developed by state and local governments. The
courts in Podberesky and Hopwood applied strict scrutiny to the
affirmative action programs involved in those cases since the
University of Texas and the University of Maryland are
state-supported institutions. Adarand extended the Croson
rationale to affirmative action programs established by the
federal government. Since private institutions are not
instrumentalities of the state or federal governments, the
constraints imposed by Croson and Adarand do not apply to them by
virtue of the "state action" requirement of the
Fourteenth Amendment. Anti- discrimination obligations are
imposed on private institutions by Title VI of the Civil Rights
Act of 1964, Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 and
other statutory provisions which prohibit discrimination by
private institutions that are recipients of federal assistance.
Private colleges and universities have relied on the decision in
Bakke as the justification for implementing affirmative action
programs. While it is clear that neither Croson nor Adarand
applies directly to private institutions (and thus has no
immediate effect), both cases reflect a growing skepticism of
affirmative action.
In Hopwood, the diversity rationale (to the extent race is
involved in diversity) was squarely rejected. Strict scrutiny
does not apply to private colleges and universities, but the
problem for these institutions is whether the promotion of racial
diversity will continue to be seen as an adequate justification
for the creation of affirmative action programs. If Justice
Powell's reasoning in Bakke continues to influence courts, race
can legitimately be used as a plus factor in a multi- component
selection process to achieve the goal of student body diversity.
The remaining question is whether a majority of the current
Supreme Court Justices will remain faithful to Justice Powell's
analysis in Bakke, whether it will agree with the panel in
Hopwood, or whether it will find some middle ground between the
two positions.
States that practiced de jure segregation face even more
uncertainty. The Supreme Court held in Fordice that those states
have a duty to eliminate all vestiges of segregation, but those
within the Fourth and Fifth Circuits cannot do so unless they can
somehow reconcile this obligation with the limitations imposed by
Podberesky and Hopwood. Meanwhile, who is admitted to what
university by what means has become a highly questionable
process.
| |
|