February 20, 2003
Ask a fish what water is and you'll get no answer. Even if fish were
capable of speech, they would likely have no explanation for the element
they swim in every minute of every day of their lives. Water simply is.
Fish take it for granted.
So too with this thing we hear so much about, "racial
preference." While many whites seem to think the notion originated
with affirmative action programs, intended to expand opportunities for
historically marginalized people of color, racial preference has
actually had a long and very white history.
Affirmative action for whites was embodied in the abolition of
European indentured servitude, which left black (and occasionally
indigenous) slaves as the only unfree labor in the colonies that would
become the U.S.
Affirmative action for whites was the essence of the 1790
Naturalization Act, which allowed virtually any European immigrant to
become a full citizen, even while blacks, Asians and American Indians
Affirmative action for whites was the guiding principle of
segregation, Asian exclusion laws, and the theft of half of Mexico for
the fulfillment of Manifest Destiny.
In recent history, affirmative action for whites motivated racially
restrictive housing policies that helped 15 million white families
procure homes with FHA loans from the 1930s to the '60s, while people of
color were mostly excluded from the same programs.
In other words, it is hardly an exaggeration to say that white
America is the biggest collective recipient of racial preference in the
history of the cosmos. It has skewed our laws, shaped our public policy
and helped create the glaring inequalities with which we still live.
White families, on average, have a net worth that is 11 times the net
worth of black families, according to a recent study; and this gap
remains substantial even when only comparing families of like size,
composition, education and income status.
A full-time black male worker in 2003 makes less in real dollar terms
than similar white men were earning in 1967. Such realities are not
merely indicative of the disadvantages faced by blacks, but indeed are
evidence of the preferences afforded whites -- a demarcation of
privilege that is the necessary flipside of discrimination.
Indeed, the value of preferences to whites over the years is so
enormous that the current baby-boomer generation of whites is currently
in the process of inheriting between $7-10 trillion in assets from their
parents and grandparents -- property handed down by those who were able
to accumulate assets at a time when people of color by and large could
not. To place this in the proper perspective, we should note that this
amount of money is more than all the outstanding mortgage debt, all the
credit card debt, all the savings account assets, all the money in IRAs
and 401k retirement plans, all the annual profits for U.S.
manufacturers, and our entire merchandise trade deficit combined.
Yet few whites have ever thought of our position as resulting from
racial preferences. Indeed, we pride ourselves on our hard work and
ambition, as if somehow we invented the concepts.
As if we have worked harder than the folks who were forced to pick
cotton and build levies for free; harder than the Latino immigrants who
spend 10 hours a day in fields picking strawberries or tomatoes; harder
than the (mostly) women of color who clean hotel rooms or change bedpans
in hospitals, or the (mostly) men of color who collect our garbage.
We strike the pose of self-sufficiency while ignoring the advantages
we have been afforded in every realm of activity: housing, education,
employment, criminal justice, politics, banking and business. We ignore
the fact that at almost every turn, our hard work has been met with
access to an opportunity structure denied to millions of others.
Privilege, to us, is like water to the fish: invisible precisely because
we cannot imagine life without it.
It is that context that best explains the duplicity of the
President's recent criticisms of affirmative action at the University of
Michigan. President Bush, himself a lifelong recipient of affirmative
action -- the kind set aside for the mediocre rich -- recently
proclaimed that the school's policies were examples of unfair racial
preference. Yet in doing so he not only showed a profound ignorance of
the Michigan policy, but made clear the inability of yet another white
person to grasp the magnitude of white privilege still in operation.
The President attacked Michigan's policy of awarding 20 points (on a
150-point evaluation scale) to undergraduate applicants who are members
of underrepresented minorities (which at U of M means blacks, Latinos
and American Indians). To many whites such a "preference" is
Bush failed to mention that greater numbers of points are awarded for
other things that amount to preferences for whites to the exclusion of
people of color.
For example, Michigan awards 20 points to any student from a
low-income background, regardless of race. Since these points cannot be
combined with those for minority status (in other words poor blacks
don't get 40 points), in effect this is a preference for poor whites.
Then Michigan awards 16 points to students who hail from the Upper
Peninsula of the state: a rural, largely isolated, and almost completely
Of course both preferences are fair, based as they are on the
recognition that economic status and even geography (as with race) can
have a profound effect on the quality of K-12 schooling that one
receives, and that no one should be punished for things that are beyond
their control. But note that such preferences -- though
disproportionately awarded to whites -- remain uncriticized, while
preferences for people of color become the target for reactionary anger.
Once again, white preference remains hidden because it is more subtle,
more ingrained, and isn't called white preference, even if that's
But that's not all. Ten points are awarded to students who attended
top-notch high schools, and another eight points are given to students
who took an especially demanding AP and honors curriculum.
As with points for those from the Upper Peninsula, these preferences
may be race-neutral in theory, but in practice they are anything but.
Because of intense racial isolation (and Michigan's schools are the most
segregated in America for blacks, according to research by the Harvard
Civil Rights Project), students of color will rarely attend the
"best" schools, and on average, schools serving mostly black
and Latino students offer only a third as many AP and honors courses as
schools serving mostly whites.
So even truly talented students of color will be unable to access
those extra points simply because of where they live, their economic
status and ultimately their race, which is intertwined with both.
Four more points are awarded to students who have a parent who
attended the U of M: a kind of affirmative action with which the
President is intimately familiar, and which almost exclusively goes to
whites. Ironically, while alumni preference could work toward the
interest of diversity if combined with aggressive race-based affirmative
action (by creating a larger number of black and brown alums), the
rollback of the latter, combined with the almost guaranteed retention of
the former, will only further perpetuate white preference.
So the U of M offers 20 "extra" points to the typical
black, Latino or indigenous applicant, while offering various
combinations worth up to 58 extra points for students who will almost
all be white. But while the first of these are seen as examples of
racial preferences, the second are not, hidden as they are behind the
structure of social inequities that limit where people live, where they
go to school, and the kinds of opportunities they have been afforded.
White preferences, the result of the normal workings of a racist
society, can remain out of sight and out of mind, while the power of the
state is turned against the paltry preferences meant to offset them.
Very telling is the oft-heard comment by whites, "If I had only
been black I would have gotten into my first-choice college."
Such a statement not only ignores the fact that whites are more
likely than members of any other group -- even with affirmative action
in place -- to get into their first-choice school, but it also presumes,
as anti-racist activist Paul Marcus explains, "that if these whites
were black, everything else about their life would have remained the
same." In other words, that it would have made no negative
difference as to where they went to school, what their family income
was, or anything else.
The ability to believe that being black would have made no difference
(other than a beneficial one when it came time for college), and that
being white has made no positive difference, is rooted in privilege
itself: the privilege that allows one to not have to think about race on
a daily basis; to not have one's intelligence questioned by best-selling
books; to not have to worry about being viewed as a "out of
place" when driving, shopping, buying a home, or for that matter,
attending the University of Michigan.
So long as those privileges remain firmly in place and the
preferential treatment that flows from those privileges continues to
work to the benefit of whites, all talk of ending affirmative action is
not only premature but a slap in the face to those who have fought, and
died, for equal opportunity.