2/17/08 N.Y. Times 13
THE curse continues. Regardless of party, it's hara-kiri for a
politician to step into the shadow of even a mediocre speech by
Senator Obama's televised victory oration celebrating his Chesapeake
primary trifecta on Tuesday night was a mechanical rehash. No
matter. When the networks cut from the 17,000-plus Obama fans
cheering at a Wisconsin arena to John McCain's victory tableau
before a few hundred spectators in the Old Town district of
Alexandria, Va., it was a rerun of what happened to Hillary Clinton
the night she lost Iowa. Senator McCain, backed by a collection of
sallow-faced old Beltway pols, played the past to Mr. Obama's here
and now. Mr. McCain looked like a loser even though he, unlike
Senator Clinton, had actually won.
But he has it even worse than Mrs. Clinton. What distinguished his
posse from Mr. Obama's throng was not just its age but its
demographic monotony: all white and nearly all male. Such has been
the inescapable Republican brand throughout this campaign, ever
since David Letterman memorably pegged its lineup of presidential
contenders last spring as ''guys waiting to tee off at a restricted
For Mr. McCain, this albatross may be harder to shake than George W.
Bush and Iraq, particularly in a faceoff with Mr. Obama. When Mr.
McCain jokingly invoked the Obama slogan ''I am fired up and ready
to go'' in his speech Tuesday night, it was as cringe-inducing as
the white covers of R & B songs in the 1950s -- or Mitt Romney's
stab at communing with his inner hip-hop on Martin Luther King's
birthday. Trapped in an archaic black-and-white newsreel, the G.O.P.
looks more like a nostalgic relic than a national political party in
contemporary America. A cultural sea change has passed it by.
The 2008 primary campaign has been so fast and furious that we
haven't paused to register just how spectacular that change is. All
the fretful debate about whether voters would turn out for a
candidate who is a black or a woman seems a century ago. Mrs.
Clinton and Mr. Obama vanquished the Democratic field, including a
presidential-looking Southern white man with an enthusiastic
following, John Edwards. What was only months ago an exotic
political experiment is now almost ho-hum.
Given that the American story has been so inextricable from the
struggle over race, the Obama triumph has been the bigger surprise
to many. Perhaps because I came of age in the racially divided
Washington public schools of the 1960s and had one of my first
newspaper jobs in Richmond in the early 1970s, I almost had to pinch
myself when Mr. Obama took 52 percent of Virginia's white vote last
week. The Old Dominion continues to astonish those who remember it
Here's one of my memories. In 1970, Linwood Holton, the state's
first Republican governor since Reconstruction and a Richard Nixon
supporter, responded to court-ordered busing by voluntarily placing
his own children in largely black Richmond public schools. For this
symbolic gesture, he was marginalized by his own party, which was
hellbent on pursuing the emergent Strom Thurmond-patented Southern
strategy of exploiting white racism for political gain. After Mr.
Holton, Virginia restored to office the previous governor, Mills
Godwin, a champion of the state's ''massive resistance'' to
Today Anne Holton, the young daughter sent by her father to a black
school in Richmond, is the first lady of Virginia, the wife of the
Democratic governor, Tim Kaine. Mr. Kaine's early endorsement of Mr.
Obama was a potent factor in his remarkable 28-point landslide on
For all the changes in Virginia and elsewhere, vestiges of the
Southern strategy persist in some Republican quarters. Mr. McCain,
however, has been a victim, rather than a practitioner, of the old
racial gamesmanship. In his brutal 2000 South Carolina primary
battle against Mr. Bush and Karl Rove, Mr. McCain's adopted
Bangladeshi daughter was the target of a smear campaign. He was also
pilloried for accurately describing the Confederate flag as a
''symbol of racism and slavery.'' (Sadly, he started to bend this
straight talk the very next day.) He is still paying for correctly
describing Jerry Falwell, once an ardent segregationist, and Pat
Robertson, a longtime defender of South African apartheid, as
''agents of intolerance.'' And of course Mr. McCain remains public
enemy No. 1 to some in his party for resisting nativist overkill on
Though Mr. Bush ran for president on ''compassionate conservatism,''
he diversified only his party's window dressing: a 2000 Republican
National Convention that had more African-Americans onstage than on
the floor and the incessant photo-ops with black schoolchildren to
sell No Child Left Behind. There are no black Republicans in the
House or the Senate to stand with the party's 2008 nominee. Exit
polls tell us that African-Americans voting in this year's G.O.P.
primaries account for at most 2 to 4 percent of its electorate even
in states with largeblackpopulations.
Mr. Obama's ascension hardly means that racism is kaput in America,
or that the country is ''postracial'' or ''transcending race.'' But
it's impossible to deny that another barrier has been surmounted.
Bill Clinton's attempt to minimize Mr. Obama as a niche candidate in
South Carolina by comparing him to Jesse Jackson looks more
ludicrous by the day. Even when winning five Southern states
(Virginia included) on Super Tuesday in 1988, Mr. Jackson received
only 7 to 10 percent of white votes, depending on the exit poll.
Whatever the potency of his political skills and message, Mr. Obama
is also riding a demographic wave. The authors of the new book
''Millennial Makeover,'' Morley Winograd and Michael D. Hais, point
out that the so-called millennial generation (dating from 1982) is
the largest in American history, boomers included, and that roughly
40 percent of it is African-American, Latino, Asian or racially
mixed. One in five millennials has an immigrant parent. It's this
generation that is fueling the excitement and some of the record
turnout of the Democratic primary campaign, and not just for Mr.
Even by the low standards of his party, Mr. McCain has
underperformed at reaching millennials in the thriving culture where
they live. His campaign's effort to create a MySpace-like Web site
flopped. His most-viewed appearances on YouTube are not viral videos
extolling him or replaying his best speeches but are instead sendups
of his most reckless foreign-policy improvisations -- his threat to
stay in Iraq for 100 years and his jokey warning (sung to the tune
of the Beach Boys' version of ''Barbara Ann'') that he will bomb
Iran. In the vast arena of the Internet he has been shrunk to Grumpy
Old White Guy, the G.O.P. brand incarnate.
The theory of the McCain candidacy is that his ''maverick'' image
will bring independents (approaching a third of all voters) to the
rescue. But a New York Times-CBS News poll last month found that
independents have even a lower opinion of Mr. Bush, the war, the
surge and the economy than the total electorate and skew slightly
younger. Though the independents in this survey went 44 percent to
32 percent for Mr. Bush over John Kerry in 2004, they now prefer a
Democratic presidential candidate over a Republican by 44 percent to
Mr. McCain could get lucky, especially if Mrs. Clinton gets the
Democratic nomination and unites the G.O.P., and definitely if she
tosses her party into civil war by grabbing ghost delegates from
Michigan and Florida. But those odds are dwindling. More likely, the
Republican Party will face Mr. Obama with a candidate who reeks even
more of the past and less of change than Mrs. Clinton does. I was
startled to hear last week from a friend in California, a staunch
anti-Clinton Republican businessman, that he was wavering. Though he
regards Mr. McCain as a hero, he wrote me: ''I am tired of fighting
the Vietnam war. I have drifted toward Obama.''
Similarly, Mark McKinnon, the Bush media maven who has played a
comparable role for Mr. McCain in this campaign, reaffirmed to Evan
Smith of Texas Monthly weeks ago that he would not work for his own
candidate in a race with Mr. Obama. Elaborating to NPR last week,
Mr. McKinnon said that while he is ''100 percent'' for Mr. McCain
and disagrees with Mr. Obama ''on very fundamental issues,'' he
likes Mr. Obama and what he's doing for the country enough to stay
on the sidelines rather than fire off attack ads.
As some Republicans drift away in a McCain-Obama race, who fills the
vacuum? Among the white guys flanking Mr. McCain at his victory
celebration on Tuesday, revealingly enough, was the once-golden
George Allen, the Virginia Republican who lost his Senate seat and
presidential hopes in 2006 after being caught on YouTube calling a
young Indian-American Democratic campaign worker ''macaca.''
In that incident, Mr. Allen added insult to injury by also telling
the young man, ''Welcome to America and the real world of
Virginia.'' As election results confirmed both in 2006 and last
week, it is Mr. Allen who is the foreigner in 21st century America,
Mr. Allen who is in the minority in the real world of Virginia. A
national rout in 2008 just may be that Republican Party's last