“The identification of enemies/scapegoats
as a unifying cause,” along with the creation of a “controlled media”
in order to point out the “enemies and scapegoats" (Lawrence W.
Britt, “Fascism Anyone,” Free Inquiry), represent two principles
of a fascist state. This is one explanation for the presence of people
living on the “edge” and no one seems to care.
Some of us on the Left, measure our
engagement with the struggle by remembering Malcolm X, who made no distinction
between his personal interests and his public advocacy. He, we say,
lived on the “edge.” Many Black, Latino/a, Native Americans, working-class,
and poor still live, teetering on the edge of cliff, driven there by
a government agenda of genocide and social atmosphere of fear. Leaning
too far toward the abyss will result in a neck caught in a dangling
noose. With whites and kin at their backs, these people feel the pressure
not to live (in a society taught to think “bootstraps!”) but to die,
to fall among the others dangling corpses, seen by witnesses to this
human tragedy.
At a distance, standing behind podiums,
before flags and cameras, Republican and Democrats declare their loyalty
to the Empire and Christianity, while the people on the edge live everyday
as if in a war zone. There’s the effort to educate children in schools
where the fear of these children is as massive as it is unrealistic
and consequently, reveals a decision, made in advance merely to harbor
them until their rebellion makes them ripe for the prison industrial
complex. They fear this outcome, those on the cliff’s edge, while scrambling
for someone to care for children at home or riding the bus to the next
apartment interview to find a home. And today, too, there’s another
application to complete at the department store employment desk or at
the factory. There’s piece work someone mentioned and a walk of blocks
to get there to stand in line. There’s passing people on the edge,
too, who just gave up yesterday, last month, last year, years ago, and
they work bottles of whiskey and talk alone of giving way to the noose.
Someone has a phone and there’s enough change to pay them to call the
aid office or Fema, again, or Mr. or Ms. Landlord, again, because the
hole where the water is leaking down is larger now than the first call
made months ago. There’s buy the milk, cheese, and eggs for the children
or help pay for the medicine moma needs for her out-of-control blood
pressure.
Leadership among these people has
historically been exceptional, not because leaders wore Baroni suits
or shared King’s cadence. They don’t drive up to the edge: on the precipice,
they stand out front of the people, risking limb and life to challenge
nooses they grab and toss aside, eulogizing the dead in the hope of
new life, standing straight, to force to straight-standing among the
people. The people have their backs because they are the people, indistinguishable
from the other, identical because their interests are the interests
of the people and, empowered by this knowledge, they (the people and
the leaders) spit in faces of the media puppet masters and turn to face
the people.
Sen. Feinstein, Rep. Harman, and
others, diligently working to pass Homegrown Terrorist legislation,
receive a nod from House Speaker Pelosi who, in turn, winks at King
George and Darth Vader. The people and their leaders know prosecution
under Homeland Security is yet another indication that COINTELPRO continues
for them, and no cameras will capture this state-sanctioned attacks
against them. Long time community activist, Curtis Muhammad, recently
wondered if “poor black people have been so vilified and criminalized
that they are completely off the radar even of the so-called left?”
(“Farewell Letter,” November 12, 2007). And it is not intended that
the people or their leaders be seen or heard, for even their protest
is interrogated and vilified. John Conroy, the reporter who told the
story of the practice of torture against over 100 Black men by the Chicago
Police Department in the 1980s, spoke of the initial “dead silence”
from the mainstream media and the Chicago Police Department (Democracy
Now, December 13, 2007). “Capitalism is the systemic terrorism
against the poor,” writes Black Commentator Editorial Board Member
and Columnist, Larry Pinkney (“Capitalism, COINTELPRO, and the Torture
of Justice”).
I often hear liberal radio hosts
ask their audiences what makes people on the “right” vote against their
interests. It is a rhetorical question that they don’t want answered
because they round up the liberal left and flutter in circular chatter
around the commercial selling of the latest car or cruise or restaurant
experience until time is up and night falls and they ask again in the
morning. Those who could answer are dismissed or never called upon
to speak from the point of lived experience. The people, the Blacks,
Latino/a, Native Americans, working class and poor, living day-to-day
on the edge, is the answer. The people themselves, their existence,
propels votes for a government of law and order, of Nixon, of Reagan,
of Bush, who, in turn, speak of more police and detention camps, of
less money for education, health care, day care, affordable housing
after gentrification. Human Rights groups have called HUD’s plans to
demolish low income housing projects “an act of racial cleansing,” but
who is reading these reports? Of course, there is no talk of abolishing
racial disparities between crack and cocaine arrests or of employment
advantages for whites. But, let’s rise to broadcast fame with talk of
borders, of privatization, and of corporate big profits. Let’s hear
media announcers, paid with the blood money of mega-corporations, never
talk or show evidence of chemical waste sites that just happen to be
situated in Black communities, or talk or show evidence of inhumane
high energy bills and the corpses of the elderly dead, and no, never
talk or show the people confronting bulldozers at their backs or bank
collectors chanting into phone, “sub-prime loan - gotcha!” Promote war,
of course, and fear of Osama riding up to the local mall. Always more
war to justify in religious allegory and supported by Blackwater and
Halliburton and their interests.
It is not wonder, then, that the
U.S. Human Rights Network, a coalition of 250 social justice and human
rights groups across the nation, issued a report December 10, 2007,
in which it cited that their “analysis reveals that the Bush Administration
is utterly out of touch with the reality of racial discrimination in
America,” according to Ajamu Baraka, the Executive Director of USHRN.
In contrast to the USHRN report, filed with the United Nations, the
U.S. State Department’s report on race “reads like a fantasy,” Baraka
claims, “unfortunately a fantasy that is too often experienced as a
nightmare for Americans of color.”
Even this report is of no interest
to the average American citizen. The lived experience of the people
living on the edge and their leaders haunts the average American
because their presence speaks to — with not even a mouth at a podium
— the contradictions inherent in the Empire’s grand narrative of fantasy.
The interest of the people and their leaders are simply not those of
the white ruling class. Whites of the middle class and even many of
their Black and Latino/a counterparts believe that in the end, it will
all work out for them and their leaders in government and business.
They continue to believe, even when their jobs are outsourced, and when
there are no nuclear programs in Iran. They continue to believe in
the King and Empire even when torture (conducted by police departments,
supported by the FBI and federal justice departments, using cattle prods
and plastic bags and water and sticks) sounds like and smells like the
practice of spilling blood in Guantanamo and foreign Black sites operated
by the U.S. They will sing “Happy Days are Here Again,” and seem to
the people on the edge anything but Christian, anything but human.
Most white voters vote to maintain
the racial order from whence comes all their power and privilege. They
vote their interests. They think, and this thinking is not under threat
of criminalization by HR 1955 or S1959 Violent Radicalization and Homeland
Terrorism Bill, they think — white America. With all due respect to
the insightful work of Naomi Klein, most Black citizens in the U.S.
have been accustomed to disaster capitalism for a long, long time.
Life for many Blacks, for generations, has been one long experience
of the disaster of capitalism, the vulture spirit always at their backs,
represented by entrepreneurs who think the “American Dream” and speak
the language of money, for as white America can, they profit, profit,
profit!
In the presidential candidacy of
Barack Obama, most whites are still able to see past his brown skin,
to their vision of white America. He speaks the language of corporations,
of national defense, and of a mumble-jumble health care, much like Hillary
Clinton. Obama has no interest in the grand-scale crime committed in
New Orleans against the Black and poor, threatened with the demolishing
of their HUD homes. With Obama, they can remain comfortably colorblind
because he does not threaten their interests. He does not stand on the
edge with the people, who he does not know anymore than do his constituents
and partners, Bill Clinton’s gang, who now advise him. If only Obama
went to the people in just the one community of New Orleans’ Ninth Ward,
if only Obama stood alongside community leaders and the people, and
think, while you still can, what would happen with the people living
on the edge and what would happen among those in the capitalist mainstream,
what would the media master puppeteers say of Obama? The answer would
not be on Oprah’s show tomorrow because it is a question that each of
us knows we can answer without Oprah or O’Reilly’s help. If only he
made the cameras that follow him point to the injustice of Mycal Bell
in jail and the charges against these 6 Jena children or to the life-long
attempt to prosecute the San Francisco 8, even when there is no evidence
and there has not been any evidence for 37 years. Obama could appear
in Chicago tomorrow and stand with the four Black men who filed suit
against the Chicago Police and ask, what is the meaning of delaying
justice for these men? But Oprah and the corporate media can’t air that
Obama. He does not exist because he has never been a leader of the
people. Obama advances the tenets of S1959 Violent Radicalization/Homegrown
Terrorism that would control the very thought of protest! (“Obama Supports
Homegrown Terrorism,” Jessica Lee, Indypendent News).
Who will speak of the interests of
the Black, Latino/a, working class, and poor? Who will do more than
speak?
To use the words of long time San
Francisco activist, Roland Sheppard, Former Congresswoman, Cynthia McKinney,
has decided that she “can’t reform a deformed organization” — this in
reference to McKinney’s departure from the Democratic Party. She announced
her bid for president in 2008, running on the Green Party ticket. McKinney
was here in Madison, Wisconsin last week at the invitation of the local
Green Party. Local Green Party leader, Larry Dooley, said that he believes
McKinney “agreed to run as a Green (maybe, in part, because of the work
that Malik and others are doing in New Orleans) so she is willing to
give us a chance.” Malik Rahm, founder and head of Commongrounds in
New Orleans, is a firm member of the Green Party. “If McKinney becomes
a candidate, I will become involved in her campaign,” Rahm told me.
“The Green Party is a global political party” with branches outside
the U.S. “It is the only party,” Rahm added, “advocating for saving
our environment. Fighting for human rights is crucial, but if you can’t
breathe or can’t drink water, you are in trouble," he said. Rahm
is aware that the Green Party New Orleans has a better representation
of Black members than in other branches throughout the U.S. Rahm acknowledges
that we “live in a racist society,” but he is committed to making the
Green Party “the type of Party that it could be.” In turn, the National
Green Party, “as a whole,” Rahm pointed out, “is missing a golden opportunity”
if it does not reach out to bring in African Americans.”
While Malik Rahm believes that this
“is no time to organize new parties,” New Orleans is, nonetheless, the
home of a new grassroots party formed from existing organizations —
the Greens of New Orleans and People’s Hurricane Relief Fund (PHRF),
and others. The Reconstruction Party (RP) also talked of McKinney running
for president on their ticket. According to Bill Leumer, “The Reconstruction
Party: A New Political Development,” the Reconstruction Party is a political
party attempting to “offer working class Blacks, working people in general
and the poor an alternative to the two capitalist parties.” The RP developed
a year ago by “abandoned” victims of the hurricane. “The Party focuses
on issues fundamental to working people.” Kali Akuno, lead organizer
of RP, said that the Party still had to work out its “structural and
political agenda,” and, in the meantime, the RP expects to meet with
McKinney on December 20, 2007. Sakura Kone, Public Communications,
Commonground, looks favorably toward the efforts of the RP party. While
Commonground is a non-profit organization and, therefore, can’t endorse
the Reconstruction Party or McKinney’s campaign for president, Kone
recognizes that “Blacks have not benefited” from the thirty years of
Blacks in politics, and it is time, at least for change.
McKinney’s Power to the People Campaign
offers that chance for change. We would have to come together in the
recognition that conflict and confusion is a way of being because it
is the way of capitalism for those seeking Empire and for many on the
Left seeking reforms that maintain their way of life. McKinney’s commitment
to the struggle of people on the edge justifies support for her campaign.
I was not in attendance at the press
conference or at the invitation-only session with “local activists”
on December 11, 2007, here in Madison, Wisconsin. The Left has a determined
agenda in this era of struggle against Empire. As one friend suggested,
Blacks in Madison experienced the “ghost of McKinney” — temporarily.
On that day, however, McKinney called
on listeners of Wisconsin Public Radio, to understand that the “immediate
impact of the economic and political outcome of Bush’s agenda has fallen
on Blacks and Latino/as. The continued funding of war has stripped education,
employment, health care, and environmental programs in the Black communities,"
she said. She spoke of the one million Black voters who had their votes
“not counted.” McKinney said that she was angry that Blacks were “disenfranchised”
by people who denied them the vote. “In some communities hope is extremely
rare.” But these are “the people whose voices we must hear,” McKinney
told the radio audience. “War cannot be our energy policy.” She decided
to campaign on the Green Party ticket, because members of the Green
Party “supported her in the past.” We can only hope that the Green Party
recognizes not just an electoral opportunity but a movement that would
shift the people on the edge agenda to the front and center of this
campaign. Perhaps when McKinney meets with the Reconstruction Party
in New Orleans this week, they will discuss ways of developing just
such a Movement!
The peoples’ leader “should be there
standing in front of the bulldozers in New Orleans, willing to get arrested,”
Roland Sheppard argues. “A leader who won’t get arrested,” claims Sheppard,
is no leader. He or she is no leader of the people, no leader living
with the people on the edge. To some extent, McKinney, in Georgia and
Washington D.C., has been that kind of leader standing before the bulldozers
of those who would vilify and criminalize the Black community. Let’s
be pro-active in Cynthia McKinney’s agenda because it is the people’s
agenda.
Then, I think, we can imagine Malcolm
smiling, for once.
BlackCommentator.com Editorial Board member Lenore Jean Daniels, PhD, has been a writer, for over thirty years of
commentary, resistance criticism and cultural theory, and short stories
with a Marxist sensibility to the impact of cultural narrative violence
and its antithesis, resistance narratives. With entrenched dedication
to justice and equality, she has served as a coordinator of student
and community resistance projects that encourage the Black Feminist
idea of an equalitarian community and facilitator of student-teacher
communities behind the walls of academia for the last twenty years.
Dr. Daniels holds a PhD in Modern American Literatures, with a specialty
in Cultural Theory (race, gender, class narratives) from Loyola University,
Chicago. Click
here to contact Dr. Daniels.