Eliminating Disparities in Treatment
and the Struggle to End Segregation
Overview
Segregation was the central issue facing the civil rights
challenges and achievements of the 1950s and
1960s—specifically, the Brown vs. Board of Education
decision, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the
implementation of the Medicare program. However, current
efforts to eliminate racial and ethnic disparities in health
care treatment fail to address the effect of segregation on
disparities. By reviewing the history of the civil rights
era efforts to integrate health care in the United States
and assessing its accomplishments, this report offers
lessons of this experience for current efforts to eliminate
disparities in health care treatment. Progress can best be
achieved by making the reduction of health care segregation
a measurable goal, reinvigorating regional planning, taking
a more critical view of the impact of "consumer-driven"
choice in the organization of care and health plans, and
transforming health care reform into a civil rights issue.
Executive Summary
Segregation was the central issue of the civil rights
challenges and achievements of the 1950s and
1960s—specifically, the Brown vs. Board of Education
decision and the Civil Rights Act of 1964, with the
implementation of the Medicare program dealing a further
blow to the institution. Current efforts to eliminate racial
and ethnic disparities in health care treatment, however,
fail to address the effect of segregation on disparities.
Segregation is simply not part of the current vocabulary of
clinicians, health care executives, policymakers, or
advocacy groups in their discussions of racial disparities
in treatment or health. To address this omission, this
report aims to:
- review the history of the early efforts to integrate
health care in the United States;
- assess the trends and effectiveness of the
strategies used for reducing segregation; and
- outline the lessons of this experience to assist
current efforts in the elimination of disparities in
health care.
The Struggle to Integrate Health Care
Unlike the more visible, protracted battles that took
place over the integration of public accommodations,
housing, and schools during the civil rights era, the
parallel struggle in health care was brief, quiet, private,
and incomplete. At the time of the Brown decision in 1954,
health care was sharply divided along racial lines. This
separate care system represented a double-edged sword: while
marginalizing black physicians and dentists, it provided
insulation from white control and allowed some
practitioners, particularly in the South, the freedom to act
as advocates for their patients and their communities.
In 1954, at the time of the Brown decision, the vast
majority of black and white health professionals saw little
promise that there would ever be any significant change. In
most communities, racial integration in hospitals and health
care was too difficult an issue, and efforts instead focused
on the integration of schools and public accommodations,
which seemed easier to achieve. Yet, a small network of
activist black physicians and civil rights lawyers coalesced
after the Brown decision and began to map out a campaign to
accomplish what most felt was impossible. This resulted in
the inclusion of Title VI in the Civil Rights Act of 1964,
which prohibited the provision of federal funds to
organizations or programs that engaged in racial segregation
or other forms of discrimination. The first significant test
of Title VI enforcement came with the implementation of the
Medicare program in 1966. More than 1,000 hospitals quietly
and uneventfully integrated their medical staffs, waiting
rooms, and hospital floors in less than four months.
However, outside the hospital, the rest of the health
care system was never directly affected by the Medicare
integration efforts. No effort to inspect nursing homes for
compliance was ever mounted. Physicians were specifically
exempted from compliance with Title VI. Until the recent
resurgence of interest in health disparities, health care
has been left to drift, unrestrained by concerns about
segregation and responding only to changing market forces.
Current Patterns of Segregation in Health Care
and Strategies for Eliminating Treatment Disparities
There are four main conclusions regarding the reduction
of segregation in health care:
- In spite of progress in eliminating disparities,
health care remains quite segregated and may be becoming
more so. The civil rights era in health care
produced impressive and lasting accomplishments.
However, substantial segregation remains. Data on
Medicare discharges from hospitals by elderly
beneficiaries suggest both wide variation and the
persistence of segregation in hospital care in the
United States. Racial segregation is also a factor for
outpatient care and nursing home care.
- How health care is regulated and financed shapes
the degree of segregation and disparities in treatment.
In the 1980s, a fundamental shift took place in the
planning and financing of capital projects in health
care. Federal support for regional health planning was
abandoned and most states chose to terminate or greatly
reduce the scope of their Certificate of Need programs.
By eliminating the federal program, providers in most
states were then freed of any external planning
constraints on decisions concerning new services or
capital projects. Capital projects and service
expansions were viewed strictly as business, rather than
social investments.
- Segregation produces a health system that
increases the cost and reduces the quality of care for
everyone. Unburdened by the restrictions of the
pre- and early post-Medicare periods, providers have
expanded profitable services in areas with the most
advantageous payer mix. This has tended to increase
services in predominantly white, affluent suburban areas
and reduce services in less affluent, predominantly
minority, inner-city areas. By increasing racial and
economic segregation, everyone loses in terms of cost
and quality.
- Segregation exaggerates disparities. One of
the most socially destructive and stigmatizing effects
of segregation in health care, as in other areas of
American society, is the exaggeration of differences.
For instance, minorities in most metropolitan areas have
relied more heavily on medical schools, teaching
hospitals, and public clinics that tend to routinely
screen for sexually transmitted diseases and for drug
use and, consequently, tend to report a higher rate of
positive findings for these conditions.
Reinventing Health Care's Civil Rights Struggle
Racial segregation in health care not only distorts and
contributes to disparities; it increases the cost and
reduces the quality of care for everyone. The lessons of the
past half-century's efforts to desegregate health care
suggest four possible strategies for reducing racial,
ethnic, and economic disparities in treatment:
- Make the reduction of health care segregation a
goal. Include measures of segregation in the health
care quality and disparity report cards of providers,
plans, regions, and the nation as a whole. Reducing
segregation will reduce disparities and total costs and
will improve the overall quality of care.
- Reinvent regional planning. Make obtaining
a Certificate of Need contingent on providing convincing
evidence of a reduction in the racial and economic
segregation of care.
- Do not confuse market-driven reforms for real
choice. When health plans and providers are more
driven by market conditions, care becomes more
fragmented and segregated by race and income.
Consumer-driven choice, when applied to retirement
security or access to medical care, amounts to an
abdication of public responsibility.
- Transform health care reform into a civil rights
issue. Medicare was passed as a civil rights bill.
Health care became a right under this universal
entitlement program, which was driven to creation by the
most powerful grass roots social movement this country
has ever experienced. The time has come to return to the
basic premises of this movement.
Citation
Eliminating Disparities in Treatment, David Barton
Smith, Ph.D., The Commonwealth Fund, August 2005