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Victor Mendoza-Grado and Ricardo J.
Salvador
FAQ from soc.culture.mexican.
for a more recent version of this FAQ
see, Newsgroup SOC.CULTURE.MEXICAN,
Frequently
Asked Questions (FAQ) # 46 |
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Spanish
people |
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This term is used
frequently in the United States to refer indiscriminantly to
any person that speaks Spanish. As such, it is imprecise and
often inappropriate in that it includes people from more
than two dozen countries, spanning all of the American
continent, the Caribbean and Spain. The term does apply
specifically, however, as the proper name for the native
people of Spain, and for this reason it is as incorrect to
use it to refer to any and all Spanish-speakers as the term
"English" would be to refer to citizens of New
Zealand, Australia or the United States. |
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Hispanics |
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This term is often used to
refer collectively to all Spanish-speakers. However, it
specifically connotes a lineage or cultural heritage related
to Spain. As many millions of people who speak Spanish are
not of true Spanish descent (e.g., native americans), and
millions more live in Latin America (cf., "Latino"
below) yet do not speak Spanish or claim Spanish heritage
(e.g., Brazilians) this term is incorrect as a collective
name for all Spanish-speakers, and may actually be cause for
offense. |
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Latino |
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This term is used to refer to
people originating from, or having a heritage
related to, Latin America, in recognition of the
fact that this set of people is actually a
superset of many nationalities. Since the term
"Latin" comes into use as the least common
denominator for all peoples of Latin America in
recognition of the fact that some romance language
(Spanish, Portugese, French) is the native tongue of
the majority of Latin Americans, this term is widely
accepted by most. However, the term is not appropriate
for the millions of native americans who inhabit the
region. |
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Mexican |
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Specifically, the nationality of the
inhabitants of mexico. Therefore, the term is used
appropriately for Mexican citizens who visit or work in the
United States, but it is insufficient to designate those
people who are citizens of the United States (they were born
in the U.S. or are naturalized citizens of the U.S.) who are
of Mexican ancestry. |
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Mexican-American |
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It is important to explain why [some] people feel it is
important to make . . . a distinction. U.S. citizens
who are troubled by this often point out that most
immigrants do not distinguish themselves by point
of origin first, (i.e., German-American), but
simply as "Americans" (another troublesome
term, but we won't get detoured by that here).
Here are some reasons why many U.S. citizens of
Mexican extraction feel that it is important to make
the distinction:
Not "Americans" by choice A scant 150
years ago, approximately 50% of what was then Mexico was
appropriated by the U.S. as spoils of war, and in a series
of land "sales" that were coerced capitalizing on
the U.S. victory in that war and Mexico's weak political and
economic status. A sizeable number of Mexican citizens
became citizens of the United States from one day to the
next as a result, and the treaty declaring the peace between
the two countries recognized the rights of such people to
their private properties (as deeded by Mexican or Spanish
colonial authorities), their own religion (Roman
Catholicism) and the right to speak and receive education in
their own tongue (for the majority, Spanish) [refer to the
file GUADHIDA, the text of the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo,
on this same subdirectory]. Therefore, the descendants of
this population continue to press for such rights, and many
hold that theirs is a colonized land and people in view of
the fact that their territory and population was taken over
by military force.
Mexicans first, "Americans" second?
Another and more numerous class of U.S. citizens of Mexican
extraction are either descendants of, or are themselves,
people who conceive of themselves as _temporarily_ displaced
from Mexico by economic circumstances. As oppossed to the
waves of European migrants who willingly left their
countries due to class and religious discrimination, and
sought to make their lives anew in the "new world"
and never to return to the "old land," these
displaced Mexicans typically maintain strong family ties in
Mexico (by visiting periodically, and by investing their
incomes in homes or kin in Mexico), and usually intend to
return to Mexico provided they can become economically
secure. Therefore these people maintain and nurture their
children in their language, religion and customs.
However, There is great tension within this population
between those of Mexican birth who conceive of themselves as
temporary guests in the U.S., and their descendants who are
born in the U.S., are acculturated with the norms of broader
U.S. society in public schools, and are not motivated by the
same ties that bind a migrant generation of Mexicans. This
creates a classic "niche" of descendants of
immigrants who are full-fledged U.S. citizens, but who
typically do not have access to all the rights and
priviliges of citizenship because of the strong cultural
identity imbued in them by their upbringing and the
discriminatory reaction of the majority population against a
non-assimilated and easily identified subclass. This group
of people feels a great need to distinguish itself from both
its U.S. millieu and its Mexican "Mother Culture,"
which does not typically welcome or accept
"prodigals." This is truly a unique set of people,
therefore, in that it endures both strong ties and strong
discrimination from both U.S. and Mexican mainstream parent
cultures. The result has been the creation of a remarkable
new culture that needs its own name and identity.
Mexican-American is commonly used to recognize U.S.
citizens who are descendants of Mexicans, following
the pattern sometimes used to identify the extraction
of other ethnic americans (e.g.,
"African-American). This term is acceptable to
many Mexican descendants, but for those who do not
identify with a Mexican heritage, but rather with
a Spanish heritage, it is unacceptable (cf.,
"Hispano," below). Also, for those who
do not view themselves as "Americans" by
choice, this term is problematic, and for others the
implication that the identity of the bearer is
unresolved, or in limbo, between two antipodal
influences, belies their self-concept as a blend that
supercedes its origins and is stronger, richer and
more dynamic than either of its cultural roots. |
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Hispano |
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This term is preferred by that
subpopulation, located primarily in the U.S. southwest, who
identify with the Spanish settlers of the area, and not with
the Mexican settlers (specifically, the creole
Spanish-Native American race). There is in fact an important
number of these people located along the Rio Grande Valley
of New Mexico and in the northern Sangre de Cristo mountain
range of the same state. This group has been traditionally a
very closed and conservative one, and recent evidence
provides important explanations for this: they seem to be
descendants of persecuted Jews who fled Spain during the
16th and 17th centuries and sought refuge in what were then
the farthest reaches of the known world. They survived by
minimizing their contact with outsiders and by hiding or
disguising their religious and cultural identities as much
as possible. Historical researchers call them "cryptic
jews." |
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Chicano |
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A relatively recent term that
has been appropriated by many Mexican descendants as unique
and therefore reflective of their unique culture, though its
first usage seems to have been discriminatory. The most
likely source of the word is traced to the 1930 and 40s
period, when poor, rural Mexicans, often native americans,
were imported to the U.S. to provide cheap field labor,
under an agreement of the governments of both countries. The
term seems to have come into first use in the fields of
California in derision of the inability of native Nahuatl
speakers from Morelos state to refer to themselves as "Mexicanos,"
and instead spoke of themselves as "Mesheecanos,"
in accordance with the pronounciation rules of their
language (for additional details, refer to the file MEXICO
on this same subdirectory). An equivocal factor is that in
vulgar Spanish it is common for Mexicans to use the
"CH" conjunction in place of certain consonants in
order to create a term of endearment. Whatever its origin,
it was at first insulting to be identified by this name. The
term was appropriated by Mexican-American activists who took
part in the Brown Power movement of the 60s and 70s in the
U.S. southwest, and has now come into widespread usage.
Among more "assimilated" Mexican-Americans, the
term still retains an unsavory connotation, particularly
because it is preferred by political activists and by those
who seek to create a new and fresh identity for their
culture rather than to subsume it blandly under the guise of
any mainstream culture. |
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For additional information and resources on
Chicano Studies, a good starting point is the
Chicano-Latino Network (CLNET) accessible through the
University of California - Los Angeles Gopher Server:
gopher.ucla.edu 70
under the heading: ->Chicano/LatinoNet
Send questions or comments regarding the FAQ to the
unmoderators of the newsgroup: mendoza-grado@att.com
or rjsalvad@iastate.edu
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Sunday, December 23, 2007
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