I. Introduction
Many people with talent such as singing or acting, dream of
the day when they are able to share their gift with the world.
They look forward to earning the title "entertainer,"
as they dedicate their lives to honing their skills. Despite the
bleak reality that few reach stardom, many of these entertainers
delude themselves into thinking they will be the exception to the
rule. Unfortunately, many entertainers never succeed, and their
chance to bask in the limelight simply becomes a waning fantasy.
Well, what happens if a person is actually able to sign her
first deal? Has this person actually reached success? In other
words, does this entertainer have a profit margin at the end of
the year as opposed to a debt. For many entertainers the answer
is a shocking "No." However, this is not a surprising
answer to those knowledgeable about the entertainment business.
It is known that there are several main factors that affect
whether an entertainer will be successful. Two of these factors
are business deals through personal managers and agents(1)
and contractual obligations to the companies(2)
Novice entertainers know that it is difficult to obtain
employment independently and thus are easily persuaded by
smooth-talking personal managers and personal agents.(3)
These managers and agents do not necessarily have the
artist's interest at heart.(4) The
artist who knows little about the entertainment business, greatly
depends on the manager or agent to manage her income. This trust
precipitates bankruptcy for artist who unknowingly works with
unscrupulous managers.(5)
In addition to managers or agents who prey on the neophytes,
breaking into show business often requires "signing one's
life away" through unfair contract agreements.(6)
It is common for entertainers' first contract to be
unbalanced.(7) Unknown
entertainers will unwittingly enter one-sided contracts for a
chance at fame.(8) All subsequent
contract negotiations are based on the first, contract.(9)
This means that the artist will be indebted to the
entertainment company unless the artist has several successful
business ventures. Entertainers accept this treatment because to
do otherwise would end their careers.(10) The
quality of the entertainment contract may also be affected if the
entertainer is Black. To adequately address this concern, other
considerations must be examined such as racial discrimination to
determine whether black entertainers are more likely to receive
unfair contracts. This will be achieved by exploring social
behavior and national statistics, which show a disproportionate
difference between the treatment of blacks and whites in America.
For the purposes of this paper, racial discrimination will be
analyzed in the first section. This will allow the reader to
understand the dynamics of racial discrimination and how it
permeates and affects the fabric of American life. The second
section will address the relationship between entertainers and
their personal managers and agents. The third section will
explore contractual obligations entertainers have. The last
section will synthesize the first three sections in order to
determine whether white entertainers have an advantage over Black
entertainers regarding contracts.
II. Racial Discrimination
For many white Americans racial discrimination no longer
exists and for those who insist it does, are creating a
nonexistent force. On the surface it may seem as if this view is
not only plausible but correct. However, after comparing
statistics and exploring the racial climate in America, it
becomes clear that racial discrimination is tightly woven in our
society. Because there are no specific statistics regarding black
entertainers receiving worse contracts than their white
counter-parts, general statistics on racism and discrimination
will be analyzed. This will lay the foundation, delineating how
racism affects every aspect of blacks' lives, eventually
affecting black entertainers.
As one journalist wrote, "[look how Susan Smith from South
Carolina] set off a nationwide manhunt by inventing a fictitious
black kidnapper of the children she herself had just
drowned."(11)
This tactic worked for Susan Smith, because as the author
acknowledged, many whites believe that "Black people did it,
did it to the country, did it to themselves. Black behavior, not
white racism, became the reason why blacks and whites lived in
separate worlds."(12) In
this same article, the journalist examined David Shipler's book
"A Country of Strangers: Blacks and Whites in America."(13)
In this book, the writer scrutinized the images people
have about blacks and whites. Shipler is quoted as stating in his
book:
Color is the first contact between blacks and whites. It
comes as the initial introduction, before a handshake or a
word . . . It is the announcement, the label, the badge, the
indelible symbol that triggers white assumptions about a
black individual's intelligence, morality, reliability and
skills.(14)
Although few whites will overtly admit that they feel blacks are
inferior, polls, indirectly questioning the participant, show
otherwise.(15) In a poll by the
National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago,
more than 50 percent of Americans rated blacks as less
intelligent than whites.(16) More
than 62 percent people, felt that blacks are lazier than whites.(17)
Additionally 78 percent of the participants believed
that blacks preferred to live on welfare.(18)
If entertainers contract with personal agents or
managers, they will be less likely to receive a fair contract if
the agent is white and believes the black entertainer is less
intelligent.
Despite statistics, some people rather believe that blacks'
economic situation is not because of racism but rather attributed
to blacks' lower skills, less education and deteriorating family
structure.(19) In an article, it
was stated that Steven and Abigail Thernstrom believe the gap
increase is great between blacks and whites because more Black
households are run alone by women.(20) It
was also stated that 24% of white adults obtained undergraduate
degrees compared to 12% for blacks.(21) According
to the National Assessment of Educational Progress, blacks test
scores of 17 year olds were three years behind whites in math and
almost four years behind in reading.(22) When
one takes into account blacks' scores on these skills tests, it
is contended that blacks would make the same if not more in
salary than whites.(23) The
Thernstrom's book has been used to support many different
theories about race relations: from notions that blacks are less
qualified for any meaningful employment to showing that
situations have greatly improved for blacks.(24
In this article by David Frum, he stated that
statistics show that life is improving for blacks. He quoted that
in 1964 18% of whites admitted to having Black friends whereas
today 66% stated they have Black friends.(25)
In addition, 44% of whites said they attend church with
blacks, which is up 10% then, in 1978.(26) Also,
66% of whites feel it is okay to date blacks, up from 56% in
1963.(27)
Although these statistics may seem impressive, they do not
actually reflect whether race relations are improving in America.
To determine whether improvement has occurred, one must examine
whether blacks have power. It is not sufficient enough to say
race relations have improved because now whites have more
friends, when those same blacks may not be receiving deserving
promotions and jobs because of discrimination. It is not
sufficient enough to say race relations have improved because
whites feel it is okay to date blacks when the Susan Smiths of
the world can say blacks perpetrated a crime against them, and be
instantly believed. It is not sufficient enough to say race
relations have improved because blacks and whites, more than
ever, attend the same churches when Black churches have been
burnt to the ground by white supremacist over the past few years.
If one wants to examine whether race relations have progressed,
acknowledging niceties are not sufficient; areas of life such as:
earning power, job selection and obtaining loans have to be
analyzed.
Statistics outlining the disparity between blacks and whites
in America are wide. Finding employment is difficult for blacks.
The unemployment rate rose to 9.6 percent, from 9.3 percent in
July 1997.(28) Additionally,
blacks typically earn 63 cents on the dollar compared to whites.(29)
Whites have on the average, $43,000 wealth in assets
compared to blacks' $4,300, mostly from the fact that blacks do
not normally inherit large sums of money from relatives.(30)
Because of these facts, blacks are twice as likely to
live in poverty.(31) Wealth,
or lack of wealth affects every aspect of a person's life. The
Census Bureau found that in 1996, 34 million blacks live in
America, comprising 12.8% of the U.S. population.(32)
Approximately 74% of all blacks 25 years or older,
earned a high school diploma.(33) However,
only 14% of these blacks had earned a bachelor's degree.(34)
The Bureau reported that in 1995 the median annual
income for blacks was $25,970, however 2.1 million blacks, making
up 26% of Black families, lived below the poverty level.(35)
Of these families, only 46% involved married couples.(36)
In another 1995 survey announced that blacks had a
12.1% chance of dropping out of highschool compared with and 8.6%
chance for whites.(37) It is
believed by some that socioeconomic status not race
differentiates the dropout rate between blacks and whites.(38)
However, that theory is not introspective enough. Poverty and
race are intricately related. If blacks are unable to obtain
meaningful employment because of racial discrimination, then they
will earn less income, be prone to poverty and only be able to
graduate from high school. The aforementioned statistics show a
connection between race, poverty and success. It is more than
blacks refusing to succeed, it is being prevented from
succeeding. When a person can not attain employment in which she
is qualified, then she is more susceptible to economic
powerlessness than whites' who competency are not judged by their
race. In addition, if that person is chosen for the job, she is
not assured that she is being paid comparable to her white
counterparts doing the same job.
For example, Hall-of-Fame football player Kellen Winslow, who
is black, was turned down for a position as the University of
Missouri athletic director, his alma mater.(39)
Despite the fact that Winslow "brought to the
table -- a law degree; practical business experience; status as a
former student athlete, collegiate All-American, and an alumnus;
a stellar professional career; leadership skills; charisma; and
command of the English language," he still was overlooked
for the job.(40)
Another aspect of racism, is that blacks lack the incapacity
to be impartial when serving as a juror for a trial. A transcript
of CBS This Morning revealed that Philadelphia District Attorney
Candidate, Jack McMahon, encouraged the prosecuting attorneys to
avoid choosing Black jurors if the defendant was also Black.(41)
Even more appalling, McMahon encouraged the attorneys
to choose jurors that were unfair and likely to convict.(42)
Although this story was shocking, many attorneys stated that they
were not surprised of the content of the message.(43)
Racism also permeates this society, regarding blacks obtaining
mortgage loans.(44) In a survey
conducted by The Cincinnati Enquirer, examined more than
60,131 mortgages applications submitted to 268 banks, mortgage
companies, savings and loans, and credit unions operating in the
Cincinnati area.(45) It was found
that the highest rejection for mortgages were low-income whites
making less than $20,000 a year.(46) However,
the more income blacks make the more apt they are to be rejected
for a mortgage loan.(47) Blacks
earning between $51,000 and $116,000 annually, were denied
mortgages twice as much as whites earning the same amount.(48)
The report asserted that government-insured loans,
appeared to allow blacks to acquire a mortgage loan easier.(49)
Blacks with a higher income who sought conventional mortgages
were rejected more than four times as often as those who sought
loans insured by the Federal Housing Administration and twice as
often as loans acquired from the Veteran's Affairs Department.
Interestingly enough, whites did not experience a change in
rejection by using conventional or government-backed loans.(50)
"Irrespective of the type of loans sought, Black
applicants were rejected more often than whites applicants."(51)
The aforementioned demonstrate just how prevalent race matters
in this society. Because racism is ever-present in American
culture, all blacks are subject to discrimination -- even black
entertainers. Every behavior displayed by blacks are a
representation of the Black culture, while actions of whites are
individualized and separate from their larger group.(52)
Moreover, whites feel blacks are never qualified for the jobs
or promotions they receive and are fundamentally incapable of
doing a competent job.(53) Even
if they are accepted, they still are incapable and are favored
because of the color of their skin.(54) This
rationalization allows whites to focus on blacks, ignoring the
fact that whites are privileged because of the color of
their skin.(55) These racists and
discriminatory attitudes discussed above allow whites to view
themselves as the victim(56) and
attack blacks for improving their economic status. "But the
principal problem with race relations in the United States
resides in the white community, not the black community. People
in the white community . . . are the biggest problem [because
they have] racist attitudes [and] are indifferent to race
relations."(57)
III. AGENTS AND PERSONAL MANAGERS
To understand how black entertainers are affected by racism in
the entertainment industry, it is important to understand the
different roles played. Entertainers, although may not be the
most important, are be by far the most prominent. Entertainers
are defined as "actors and actresses rendering the services
on the legitimate stage. . ."(58)
This definition also includes people who engage in radio, musical
arts or organizations, directs (stage, motion picture and
radio),writers, cinematographers, composers, lyricists, etc.(59)
Relatively speaking, it is easier to categorize
entertainers than the other roles in the industry.(60)
Generally it is difficult to delineate and separate the
responsibilities of talent agents [hereinafter agents] and
personal managers [hereinafter managers] because there is no
bright line classification.(61) However,
entertainers hire agents to obtain employment and they hire
managers for promotion and development.(62)
A. Agents
Agents and managers basically differ because agents are
creatures of statutes governing their actions whereas managers
are not.(63) Agents market the
entertainers.(64) They are also
known as bookers, managers or entertainers' managers. It is their
responsibility to procure employment and receive employment
offers.(65)
After employment is obtained, the agent must secure it; collect
performance fees; deduct the agent's commission; and forward the
net profit to the artist or her manager.(66)
A firm may also handle these responsibilities for
well-known entertainers. (67) Because
the agent's contract allows the artist to disavow it, if the firm
fails to obtain employment it does not earn money for its
efforts.(68) Therefore, for new
entertainers, the feat of obtaining a well-known agent is almost
impossible because many employers are not interested in "no
name" entertainers.(69)
Moreover, agents only profit from this endeavor, if the
artist is employed. Because of this reason agents feel justified
in charging between 10% to 20% of the artist's gross profit.(70)
Fundamentally, agents are negotiators for the
entertainers.
B. Personal Managers
Personal managers are more intricately involved with the
entertainers than the agents are.(71) New
entertainers usually attempt first to find a manager.(72)
Managers represent entertainers in contracts and
business in general because many entertainers lack business
savvy.(73) These managers usually
act as agents, because most new entertainers can not obtain an
agent.(74) Managers have a
wealth of knowledge that allows them "to guide, advance and
promote the careers of clients who retain [their] services."(75)
This support even includes financing these struggling
entertainers' career.(76) This
characteristic differs from agents' responsibilities because
agents usually do not sign an artist unless there appears to be a
good chance of the artist succeeding.(77) In
reality, managers becomes the artist's best friend. For example,
If counseling is needed, then managers provide the session.(78)They
also handle issues regarding accounting, tax, investments and
royalties.(79) Additionally, they
advise the artist on their presentation and the selection of
materials, tailoring for the specific audition.(80)
A career as a manager involves a great knowledge of the
entertainment business and the ability to transfer a struggling
artist into a sophisticated performer. Because this role requires
so much effort, managers feel they have a right to charge
handsome prices for their services to the entertainers.(81)
Managers usually charge between 10% and 50% of the
entertainers' gross income.(82) Managers
feel they can charge this enormous fee because they bring the
artist's career to its fullest potential.(83
In essence, managers attempt to exploit the artist's
image.
C. Regulations
The biggest problem for entertainers is that personal managers
have unadulterated discretion to conduct business as they see
fit.(84) However, agents must
follow statutory guidelines.(85) In
1978, California promulgated the Talent Agencies Act(86)
which regulates the procurement of employment for
entertainers.(87) The Act focuses
on agents.(88) However, a
personal manager's actions may implicate the statute if it is
deemed that she has procured employment for entertainers.(89)
However, amendments have been added to the Act which
created exceptions for the personal managers.(90)
For example, one example allows managers to procure
employment for entertainers in the record industry.(91)
For an inexperienced artist, the conscious effort to
exclude managers from the Act is a great, mistake. Because the
managers are fully involved in all areas of the artist's life,
there is a tendency to exploit the artist. This is evident when
one examines the different conflicts that arise between managers
and their entertainers. Entertainers are more susceptible to this
unfair treatment because most are inexperienced and completely
and fully put their careers in their managers hand.(92)
There are two types of conflict that hinder the success and
progress of the artist.(93) The
first conflict is advisory. This occurs when a manager's interest
and the artist's interest conflict.(94) This
prevents the manager from zealously promoting, representing and
advising his client.(95) For
example, a manager might encourage an artist to enter a contract
that ultimately is beneficial for the manager but not for the
client. The second type of conflict is economic. This occurs when
the managers receive multiple commissions from one action of the
artist.(96) This issue may
surface if the manager has the artist sign with a company in
which the manager will receive royalties from the company and
commission from the artist.(97) In
the aforementioned situation, the artist is frequently left with
a low profit-margin and little recourse.(98)
IV. CONTRACTS
On the first contract, new entertainers usually agree to poor
terms. Because the entertainment industry is unpredictable,
entertainment companies sign a body of entertainers in hopes for
the emergence of a star.(99) In
the music industry, approximately 80 percent of the music
companies fail to recoup their losses.(100)
A 1980 Cambridge study showed that a record album had
to at least sell 104,600 in order to break even.(101)
During that time, approximately 84 percent of record
albums failed to sell the allotted amount in order to break even.(102)
Over $200 million was lost because of entertainers who
did not succeed.(103) Obviously
these statistics today would have greatly increased, almost 30
years later.
The theory of contracts is to allow parties the freedom to
engage in contracts without having the court interfere. In
contracts, there must be a "meeting of the minds"
between the parties that demonstrate a manifestation of
willingness to enter the contract. This essentially means that
the parties' intentions must be clear without overreaching or
unfairness in the contract. Overreaching is when one party has
substantially more bargaining power than the other. In addition,
the weaker party does not understand the terms of the contract.
So in other words, there is no meeting of the minds.
Because of the sheer number, contracts are created in
"bulk" for efficiency purposes. Unfortunately these
standardized contracts create the issue of adhesion and
unconscionable contracts for entertainers.(104)
However, it is extremely difficult to meet the elements
of an unconscionable contract in order to demonstrate that the
contract terms were unfair.
A. Adhesion
Although adhesion contracts are not per se unfair, because of
its structure it can be. Contracts of adhesion is a
"standardized contract, which, imposed and drafted by the
party of superior bargaining strength, relegates to the
subscribing party only the opportunity to adhere to the contract
or reject."(105) This is
problematic because the purpose of contracts is to allow the
parties to engage in bargaining to create a contract favorable to
all parties involved.(106) However,
just because a person becomes the party to an unjust contractual
term, does not automatically make the entire contract unfair.
Specific elements must be met in order to prevail on a theory of
unfairness.(107) Examples of
adhesion contracts are agreements signed when buying a car or
obtaining credit or purchasing a house. Although there are some
terms that are negotiable, most adhesion contracts have the
"take it or leave it" motto. If the other party is
unhappy with the set terms of the contract, she has the ability
to refuse it and enter a more fair contract with a different
party.(108) There is little room
for all of the terms to be changed.(109)
The public policy surrounding adhesion contracts, is that it
would be unreasonable for businesses to have a "meeting of
the minds" with every customer they in which they came in
contact.(110) It is more
efficient for these businesses to create the contracts, simply
allowing the customer to refuse the entire contract if it is
unsatisfactory.(111) Factors
that determine whether a contract is adhesive include the
following(112)
- the contract contains standardized language
- the terms are not negotiated but premised on a "take
or leave it" concept
- substantive terms are not freely negotiated
- the weaker party did not have the strength to receive a
better deal
- the contract is completely drafted by the party with the
most power
Once a contract is considered adhesive, then the next step is to
determine whether the terms are so one-sided as to "shock
one's conscience," or "Is the contract
unconscionable?"
B. Unconscionable Contracts
The purpose of raising the defense of unconscionability is to
prevent unfair surprise and oppression.(113)
This includes an absence of a meaningful choice on one
of the parties to the contract.(114)
The Official Comment in UCC 2-302 states that the
contract must be so one-sided that it is unconscionable under the
circumstances, at the time the contract was made.(115)
There are two prongs that must be explored in order to
determine whether a contract is unconscionable.(116)
One must examine the procedural and substantive aspect
of the contract. The procedural portion of the analysis
scrutinizes whether surprise or oppression exists.(117)
Surprise is the extent to which the terms of the
contract are hidden and drafted by the party seeking to enforce
the contract.(118) For example,
were the terms hidden in the middle of long paragraphs.
Oppression refers to the unequal bargaining power, which
essentially indicates that there was no real bargaining power.(119)
However, the substantive prong looks at the actual
terms of the contract.(120) The
substantive prong is usually met, if the courts decide that the
contract terms are overly harsh or one-sided, without reasonable,
justification (ie. failing to meet industry norms).(121)
1. Procedural Prong
The procedural prong is satisfied by examining the following
factors: age, education, intelligence, business acumen and
experience, relative bargaining power, who drafted the contract,
whether the terms were explained to the weaker party, whether
alterations in the printed terms were possible, and whether there
were alternative sources of supply for the goods in question.(122)
It is difficult to meet the requirements for the
procedural prong. If a person has business education and
experience, but failed to completely read the contract or a
section of the contract, then the contract is not procedurally
unconscionable even though the terms may have been nonnegotiable.(123)
In Laurel Canyon, Ltd. V. Springsteen, singer Bruce
Springsteen sued his record company Laurel Canyon to void a
contract for unconscionability.(124) Springsteen
had signed a personal management agreement with record producer
Mike Appel.(125) Springsteen
also signed separate, exclusive contracts with several companies
all affiliated with "Laurel Canyon."(126)
Appel, had great economic interests in these companies.(127)Springsteen
had essentially agreed to pay Appel up to 50% in commission.(128)
He also sold all of his rights to Laurel Canyon.(129)
Additionally, Springsteen's royalties, which is the
largest revenue for entertainers, would be equally divided
between him and Laurel Canyon.(130) He
also signed a recording contract with Laurel Canyon for five
albums.(131) From these
contracts with Springsteen, Laurel Canyon signed an independent
agreement with CBS Records to manufacture and distribute
Springsteen's albums.(132) However,
Laurel contracted with CBS for ten Springsteen albums.(133)
This agreement generated a record royalty for Laurel
which was three times greater than Springsteen was to receive.(134)
For example, Springsteen was earning approximately 10%
while Laurel earned 40% of the royalties. Springsteen failed to
read the contract or obtain a lawyer to review it.(135)
Springsteen finally realized the inequity in the
contract and asked that Laurel be audited before they renegotiate
his contract.(136) The audit
showed that during a four-year period Laurel earned $2 million
from Springsteen, while he earned less than $100,000.(137)
Springsteen sued Laurel in 1976, after the company
refused to allow him to obtain someone else to produce his next
album.(138) Despite the
aforementioned facts, the court held that there was "no
showing that the contracts . . . are unconscionable."(139)
The court seemed to focus on the fact that the contract was
signed and not whether Springsteen understood it.(140)
However, considering the given facts, the court could
have found that the procedural prong was met for several reasons.
First, Springsteen had no knowledge of the entertainment
business. This means that he was not "educated" in that
area and may not have understood the terms. Secondly, the terms
may have been buried in a long, cumbersome contract. Thirdly,
Springsteen may have signed the contract because he wanted to
break into the business. These facts show that procedurally,
Springsteen's contract with his personal manager may not have
been favorable for him, contrary to what the court held.
In all, the ultimate goal is to demonstrate that the
procedural prong has been met because, all of the factors
together, indicate that there was a lack of bargaining power or
"meeting of the minds." Without the latter, a contract
seeks to exist. But because courts are cautious about voiding
contracts for unconscionability, this prong is difficult to
prove.
2. Substantive Prong
The substantive prong of unconscionability, lies on whether
the terms of the contract were unreasonable.(141)
Factors which relate to the contractual terms focus on
whether they were commercially reasonable.(142)
There are no set factors to rely on, because they
change depending on the type of contract in dispute.(143)
In Springsteen's case, we would need either a detailed
description of the contract or the contract itself. On the
information we have, it seems as if the contracts were
substantively unconscionable. For example, Springsteen initially
contracted with Laurel Canyon for five albums. However, after
Laurel Canyon signed an agreement with CBS Records, it bound
Springsteen for ten albums contract instead of the originally
agreed upon five albums. This contract allowed Laurel to receive
three times more royalty than Springsteen. Within a four-year
period, Laurel earned two million dollars from Springsteen's
effort, while Springsteen earned less than $100,000. From these
facts, it can be concluded that the terms were substantively so
unfair, to allow Springsteen to prevail on that prong. To allow
Laurel Canyon to earn three times more than Springsteen is
definitely unconscionable. However, courts, in general, refuse to
find unconscionability in contracts between personal managers and
entertainers because of industry norms.(144)
Even if the bargaining power is one-sided and favors
the stronger side, courts have held that it was not nonetheless
unconscionable because the terms did not shock the conscience.(145)
V. Analysis
When examining the previous sections addressing racism; the
role of personal agents and managers; and unconscionable
contracts, it is clear that discrimination is tightly embedded in
American culture. For Black entertainers it is even more
difficult to enter the entertainment industry and excel because
there are fewer opportunities. However, when those doors open,
are black entertainers treated like their white counterparts?
That question can be answered by looking at the country's race
relations, exploring the relationship between entertainers and
their managers or agents; and examining the nature of
entertainment contracts. For the purpose of this analysis, the
music industry will be explored.
As in any business, the ultimate goal is to profit from your
endeavor. In the music industry, less than 20% of records
produced earn a profit.(146) In
1980, these charted losses caused the industry to lose $200
million.(147) One agent stated
that he signs unknown entertainers because the entertainment
industry is filled with unexpected surprises.(148)
No one knows who may be the next overnight sensation.(149)
"So we sign a lot of unknowns, beginners, small-timers, even
plain and simple stumblebums, in the hope one out of a hundred
will fight his way into the Big time."(150)
In addition, record companies' fundamental goal is to
get the "biggest piece of the pie."(151)
Usually the entertainer is not involved with the
business aspect of the contract.(152) "Recording
companies and agents have traditionally taken advantage of their
entertainers' ignorance, inexperience, lack of involvement,
naivete and/or lower social status."(153)
For the purposes of this paper, I will create two
hypotheticals that separately address entertainers who have
entered contract agreements with their 1) employees ie. personal
managers and agents and 2) employers ie. directors and produces.
Both of the hypotheticals will differ according to economic
status and education. From there, each entertainer be examined
according to whites perception of blacks and whether the contract
is fair.
Gail is a Black, female singer. All of her life, she has
wanted to perform as a singer and become famous. She studied
voice and instrument at Juilliard School of Arts in New York
City. Gail was a child prodigy and has learned her craft
well. All Gail wants to do is sing. She finally gets her big
chance when meets a white producer named Tom, at the club in
which she performs. He tells her to come to his offices the
next day. While she is there, Tom informs her that he wants
her to sign a contract with the record company. Overjoyed,
excited and in disbelief, Gail takes advantage of this
opportunity. She contracts for 8 years with one album a
year. She only is entitled to 10% of her record sales. She
will also receive royalties up front to produce the record
and advertising.
In looking at the scenario it may appear as if this simply comes
with the territory. However, it is helpful to analyze the affect
of socialization and how that may affect Tom's dealings with
Gail. First of all, Gail is Black. He may subconsciously think
that she is a very talented but unintelligent singer. This is
plausible because blacks, as shown in the statistics above, are
believed to be unintelligent by their white counterparts.
Tom's first goal is to make money. The more one-sided the
contract is, the more profit he can secure for himself and the
producer. Because failure rates are so high, self-preservation is
a great incentive. If Tom believes Gail is less intelligent,
despite her accomplishments at school, he will be more apt to
draft a contract agreement less favorable than he would for a
white entertainer.
Gail is also at a disadvantage because she does not have a
personal manager or agent to consult with nor a lawyer to read
over the contract. The contract is definitely one-sided. However,
because courts frequently refuse to interfere with contractual
agreements, Gail will most likely have little redress from the
unjust contract. Even if white entertainers enter into bad
agreements, it is worse for Gail because of the socialization
regarding blacks capabilities.
Donnie is Black and 23 years old. He always knew that acting
was his first love. Although his family is poor, he decides
to go to California and bring his dream of stardom to
fruition. After being in California a week, Donnie meets a
Shirley, a white woman who offers her services as a manager.
Donnie bites the bait and is now represented by Shirley.
Shirley's service, does not come at a small price. In order
to employ her, Donnie must contract away 40% of his gross
earnings to Shirley once she finds him employment. After six
months, Shirley eventually finds Donnie a small part on a
local commercial. Reality hits and Donnie now is faced with
the fact that his income will dwindle considerably after
Shirley has received her commission. Donnie feels taken
advantage of and wants to contest the validity of their
contract.
Because managers work so closely with entertainers, they have
much flexibility in determining what their fees will be. Because
Donnie is Black and poor he has many strikes against him. It is
most likely that he has had inferior education compared to whites
because poor neighborhood usually entail poor schools. Lack of
education, makes Donnie more vulnerable to unconscionable
contracts. He most likely will not possess the business savvy
needed to prevent entering into unwise contracts. Most
entertainers, like Donnie, do not study the industry, placing
them in a precarious situation, contractually. So, before Donnie
even meets Shirley, he is at a disadvantage.
Secondly, Donnie has no family he can depend on financially.
He leaves home and travels to California with little money. He
will soon be desperate for work, and will comprise his interests
for a bad contract. Although he meets Shirley a week after moving
to California, he does not earn any money through entertainment,
for another six months.
Thirdly, Donnie is Black, and Shirley is white. She knows
Donnie is also poor and does not family who can financially help
him. Because whites have the popular belief that blacks are
inferior in intelligence, morals and values, Shirley can use this
to her advantage and capitalize on his ignorance. Shirley may be
more likely to draft a very one-sided, unconscionable contract
because she can. Shirley may subconsciously believe that if
blacks are inferior to whites, Donnie will not discover the
unjust terms of the contract until it is too late. Because
Shirley is not paid until Donnie has work, she has another
incentive to carve the terms of the contract to benefit
her.
Donnie does not have the advantage of entering into an
agreement with an agency company, because it only uses well-known
entertainers. Furthermore, he may encounter the same behavior
with the company as he has with Shirley. Donnie, like Gail has
little recourse for justice. Although Donnie may meet some of the
requirements which deem a contract unconscionable, the courts
look at the normal procedures used in the industry.
For both Gail and Donnie, they are hindered from succeeding in
the entertainment industry because they are black. In looking how
blacks are generally treated in America, it is fair to say that
this treatment follows blacks to the entertainment industry. If
whites believe that blacks are inferior, they will be more apt to
capitalize on them, especially when one-sided contracts guarantee
success for the agents/producers in entertainment.
VI. CONCLUSION
At the core of reality, racism and discrimination is so
prevalent in American society that it affects every area of a
Black person's life, even as an entertainer. Although there may
not be statistics available specifically addressing this issue,
there is enough evidence to demonstrate how racism is intertwined
into our culture. The fact that whites believe blacks to be less
intelligent, without morals and lacking values, shape the way
whites deal with blacks. Until whites see blacks as equal, blacks
will never receive fair treatment. It is difficult for whites to
treat blacks with total respect when they feel they are better
than blacks are.
Undoubtedly, whites will deny that racism occurs to this
extent, because it allows them to be free from guilt. However,
blacks know just how racism affects their lives daily. Each and
every day, blacks are depicted as immoral without values and
unintelligent, within the media. This depiction allows whites to
justify their treatment of blacks. Black entertainers are treated
differently than whites, which is evidenced by analyzing the
history between blacks and whites in this country. Understanding
this fact, it is plausible that because whites think blacks are
less intelligent, that whites will inevitably draft contracts
that are generally more unfair for the black entertainers than
for white entertainers. |